society
When the Past Knocks Twice: Lessons Nigeria Refuses to Learn
When the Past Knocks Twice: Lessons Nigeria Refuses to Learn.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Same mistakes, harder landing; Nigeria keeps repeating the exam and failing the grade.”
Nigeria is a country with a long memory and a short attention span. We celebrate reforms when they arrive like overdue guests, then hand them off to a ruling class whose HABITS are older than the CONSTITUTION. The result is a recurring national tragedy: POLICY REVERSALS, HALF-MEASURES and a POLITICAL CULTURE that mistakes noise for progress. The past, when ignored, does not stay buried; it knocks again, louder and more destructive. Every time it knocks, the lesson missed is paid for by ordinary Nigerians: mothers making impossible choices about food, children missing school because of violence and households sliding into poverty while the corridors of power debate abstractions.
HISTORY is not merely background; it is a teacher. Chinua Achebe captured this precisely when he wrote that “THE NIGERIAN PROBLEM IS THE UNWILLINGNESS OR INABILITY OF ITS LEADERS TO RISE TO THE RESPONSIBILITY” and later warned that “UNTIL THE LIONS HAVE THEIR OWN HISTORIANS, THE HISTORY OF THE HUNT WILL ALWAYS GLORIFY THE HUNTER.” Those sentences are not aphorisms to be pinned on noticeboards; they are indictments that remain painfully current. Achebe’s diagnosis still fits: leadership in Nigeria too often defaults to expediency over courage, patronage over principle and narrative spin over accountability. The consequence is predictable, reform starts with fanfare and ends in the same patterns of exclusion and mismanagement that created the problems in the first place.
Consider the economy. The government of 2023–2025 undertook wrenching macroeconomic changes; SUBSIDY REMOVALS, EXCHANGE-RATE UNIFICATION and TAX REFORMS intended to restore fiscal sanity and attract capital. International institutions have cautiously applauded the direction, but the IMF and World Bank note that these measures have improved macro stability and investor sentiment and they stress that reforms can anchor medium-term growth if followed through with social protections and better implementation. Applause from capitals and boardrooms does not feed children. Nigeria’s headline problems; FOOD-PRICE SHOCKS, STUBBORN INFLATION and A POTENTIAL RISE IN POVERTY are the direct and measurable aftermath of policy choices that were not accompanied by the safety nets and supply-side fixes required to protect the vulnerable. The IMF itself acknowledged the reforms while urging careful sequencing and protection for those most at risk.
The numbers are unforgiving. Official and multilateral data show that millions of Nigerians are teetering on the edge of deprivation. The World Bank’s country assessments and poverty briefs have repeatedly warned that extreme poverty and food insecurity are rising and that millions more could be pushed below national and international poverty lines if inflation and food-price pressures persist. These are not abstract forecasts, they are household catastrophes that translate into empty plates and foregone healthcare. Policy without mitigation becomes punitive. Reforms must be accompanied by cash transfers, agricultural interventions and transparent targeting mechanisms; otherwise, they simply shift the cost of reform from the state’s balance sheet onto the backs of ordinary citizens.
If the economy is the sore muscle, insecurity is the gangrene. Violence in the north (from Boko Haram and ISWAP in the northeast to banditry and mass kidnappings across the northwest and north-central zones) has intensified. Human-rights monitors and independent reporting show that deaths, kidnappings and displacement rose sharply in recent years, with some months recording more fatalities than entire previous years. The security crisis compounds poverty and farmers cannot plant or harvest, markets are paralyzed and internal displacement creates humanitarian emergencies that the state cannot sustainably fund. Insecurity is not an adjunct problem; it is a structural brake on development, investment and the basic functioning of civic life. To treat it otherwise is to pretend the country can prosper while significant swaths of its people live under siege.
Why do we repeat the same mistakes? Part of the answer is INSTITUTIONAL SCLEROSIS. Nigeria inherited weak checks and balances and successive administrations have failed to build resilient institutions that outlive political survival. The civil service, meant to be the engine of continuity, is too often politicized; procurement systems remain opaque; and key service-delivery institutions are chronically underfunded or captured. When reforms require sustained administrative competence (to deliver conditional cash transfers, to run agricultural extension at scale, to prosecute corruption) Nigeria’s institutional weaknesses turn good policy into poorly implemented experiments. This is not an accident. It is the inevitable outcome of decades of governance where loyalty to party trumps service to the citizen.
Political culture matters as much as policy design. Nigerian politics rewards short-term rent extraction, not long-term public goods. Elites who profit from opacity and uncertainty will resist reforms that strip away patronage. So we have reform rhetoric paired with concession to vested interests; subsidies quietly reinstated, procurement diluted by political meddling and fiscal discipline undermined by emergency bailouts that reward political allies instead of correcting systemic inefficiency. The cycle is predictable and reform is announced, markets cheer, the elite lobby, policy is softened and the country ends up with neither sustained reform nor meaningful redistribution. The past knocks and we open the door to the very habits that produced the crisis.
What must change is not the occasional policy pivot but the underlying bargain between state and society. A credible social contract would mean that when hard reforms are necessary, they come with a transparent plan for protection and inclusion, measurable targets and independent monitoring. It would mean that revenues raised from subsidy savings or tax reforms are ring-fenced to improve power, roads, schools and safety nets not siphoned off into patronage. It would mean prosecuting corruption swiftly and visibly so that governance gains public legitimacy. In short, reforms must be sequenced with politics and administration in mind.
Though sequencing alone is not enough. Leadership must embrace humility and honesty. Politicians must stop treating citizens as collateral damage in a saga of HEADLINE-GRABBING POLICY and instead explain the trade-offs, accept short-term pain for long-term gain and deliver within a framework that offers concrete compensation for those hurt in the transition. Civil society, media and the judiciary must insist on transparency; the international community should condition support on verifiable social protection outcomes; and technocrats must be empowered and not sidelined by populist spectacle.
Nigeria has everything it needs to change course, HUMAN TALENT, a VAST DOMESTIC MARKET, ABUNDANT NATURAL RESOURCES and the INSTITUTIONAL HOOKS of DEMOCRACY. Potential is not destiny. If we do not learn from the past knocks, if we do not translate lessons into durable institutions, fair social contracts and brave leadership; those knocks will keep coming, louder each time, until the cost is CATASTROPHIC.
The invoice for today’s complacency reads in lives and livelihoods. The question for Nigeria is SIMPLE: Will we continue to answer the door to yesterday’s mistakes or Will we finally learn the lesson and refuse to open it?
History is waiting and the lions are ready to tell their side.
– George Omagbemi Sylvester
Education
NIGERIA’S EDUCATION STRIDES, GLOBAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT: When Evidence Travels from Jigawa
NIGERIA’S EDUCATION STRIDES, GLOBAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT: When Evidence Travels from Jigawa
…as President Tinubu set to commission Africa’s largest schools complex in Lagos
By O’tega Ogra
There is a quiet shift happening in Nigeria’s education system. You will not find it in speeches neither will you find it in long policy documents. But if you look closely, you will see it in something far more difficult to dismiss. Evidence.
Last week in San Francisco, at the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) conference, data from classrooms in Jigawa State was presented before a global audience. Not projections. Not estimates. A record of what is happening inside a public system in Nigeria. 
That distinction matters. For years, much of what the world has understood about education in countries like ours has been assembled from a distance. National averages. Modelled estimates and reports written long after the fact. What was presented this time came from within. Attendance tracked daily. Teachers reassigned based on need. Classrooms observed as they function. All under a digitalised ecosystem.
In Jigawa, under the JigawaUNITE foundational learning digital programme, the numbers tell a simple story. Within roughly 150 days of implementation which commenced at the end of 2024, 95 previously understaffed schools were fully staffed. Pupil teacher ratio moved from 114:1 to 70:1. Daily attendance rose from 39 per cent to 77 per cent. This remarkable improvement was not achieved by expanding the workforce. It came from reorganising what already existed under a digital umbrella.
There is something instructive in that. Nigeria has never lacked policy. What we have often lacked is the discipline of execution. The ability to take what already exists and make it work as intended. That is where the real shift is beginning to show.
But it would be too convenient to reduce this to one programme.
At the federal level, the direction has also been adjusting. The Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Tunji Alausa, has placed measurable outcomes, foundational learning, and teacher quality back at the centre of policy. UBEC, the Federal Government’s Universal Basic Education body, continues to drive national interventions around school improvement and teacher development, even as it insists that reform must remain system-led and not fragmented.
The First Lady’s education interventions, through the Renewed Hope Initiative, have reinforced education as a national priority, particularly around access, learning materials, and inclusion. These are different levers, but they are part of the same ecosystem.
And then there is the fiscal reality.
Recent reforms under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu have increased allocations to subnational governments, creating more room for states to act. In a federation like Nigeria, that matters. Because education is not delivered from Abuja. It is delivered in states. In schools. In classrooms.
What Jigawa has done is to use that room and the Executive Governor of the state, the State Universal Basic Education Board, and their partners on the JigawaUNITE project, New Globe, must be given kudos.
However, Jigawa is not alone in this journey.
In Kwara, efforts to align teaching with actual learning levels are beginning to correct a structural mismatch in classrooms. In Lagos and Edo, structured pedagogy and closer monitoring are improving consistency in teaching. Across the entire ecosystem, state governments, federal institutions like UBEC, and delivery partners like NewGlobe are pushing at the same question from different angles.
How do children actually learn better?
In a prior reflection, Ifeyinwa Ugochukwu, VP at NewGlobe, captured the urgency clearly. With the right tools, training, and use of data, foundational learning outcomes can improve at scale. The real risk, she noted, is delay, allowing learning gaps to become permanent.
That warning should not be ignored because the context remains difficult. Nigeria still carries one of the largest out of school populations in the world. Learning gaps remain. Progress in one state does not resolve a national challenge, but it does something else.
It proves that movement is possible.
What was presented in Washington did not claim success. It demonstrated function. It showed that a Nigerian sub-national can generate evidence that holds up in a global room. That reform does not always require something new. Sometimes it requires using what already exists more honestly and more efficiently.
The real question now is whether this remains an exception.
Or whether it becomes a pattern.
Because reform at scale is never built on isolated wins. It is built on systems that can reproduce them.
And perhaps that is why the timing matters.
This week, another subnational, Lagos State, is expected to commission the Tolu Schools Complex in Ajegunle, a sprawling 36-school integrated facility spread across 11.7 hectares, designed to serve over 20,000 students, and described as the largest school community in Africa. 
There is a connection here that should not be missed.
On one hand, a classroom system in Jigawa is learning how to organise itself better. On the other, a state like Lagos is building the physical scale required to carry thousands of learners at once.
One is structure. The other is capacity.
Real progress sits where both meet because education reform is not only about what we build, it is about how well what we build actually works.
For once, the data was not explaining Nigeria from the outside.
It was coming from within.
And it carried weight.
society
BREAKING: Onireti Appointed Director-General of City Boy Movement in Oyo State
*BREAKING: Onireti Appointed Director-General of City Boy Movement in Oyo State*
The political atmosphere in Oyo State recorded a major development on Monday with the appointment of Hon. Olufemi Onireti as the new Director-General of the City Boy Movement, the grassroots mobilisation structure championing support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu across the country.
The appointment was announced by the movement’s Director-General, Mr Francis Shoga, in Abuja on Tuesday during the handover of the appointment letter to Onireti.
This is coming days after his resignation from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where he had been an active figure and former House of Representatives candidate.
His new role is expected to reposition the group’s activities and strengthen its outreach ahead of future political engagements in Oyo State.
According to the movement’s leadership, Onireti was chosen based on his “wide political network, proven organisational capacity and strong presence among the youth and grassroots stakeholders.”
Speaking with newsmen, Onireti expressed gratitude for the confidence reposed in him and pledged to deploy his experience to advance the objectives of the City Boy Movement across the state.
Onireti said his decision to join the ruling party was a personal conviction shaped by ongoing political realignments and his commitment to supporting a broader progressive coalition at both state and national levels.
Hon. Onireti added that his appointment followed extensive consultations and harmonisation with his followers.
He assured supporters that his leadership would prioritise inclusiveness, strategic mobilisation and effective communication.
“I am committed to galvanising our structures and ensuring that Oyo State remains a stronghold for the ideals we stand for,” he said.
Political observers note that his appointment may shift the dynamics of political mobilisation in Oyo State, given his influence and recent political moves.
The City Boy Movement is expected to unveil its new operational roadmap in the coming days.
The movement, a prominent youth-driven support platform advancing President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda, positions Onireti to lead its grassroots mobilisation efforts in Oyo as part of its national structure ahead of the 2027 elections.
society
Ariko Church Attack: IGP Disu Deploys DIG As Police Rescue Seven Kidnap Victims
Ariko Church Attack: IGP Disu Deploys DIG As Police Rescue Seven Kidnap Victims
The Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Rilwan Disu, has ordered the immediate deployment of the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of Operations, Shehu Umar Nadada, to Kaduna State following a deadly bandit attack on Ariko Village near Gurara Dam.
The assault, which occurred on April 5, 2026, targeted worshippers at ECWA and Catholic churches in the community, with gunmen opening fire indiscriminately. Five persons were confirmed dead, while no fewer than fourteen others were abducted during the coordinated হাম.
In a swift operational response, the police high command mandated a high-level intervention, tasking DIG Nadada with leading on-the-ground coordination of security efforts aimed at stabilising the area and facilitating the safe recovery of the victims.
Security operations conducted in collaboration with the Nigerian Army and the Department of State Services (DSS) have already yielded results, with seven of the abducted persons rescued. The victims were evacuated to Katari Hospital for urgent medical attention and are reported to be in stable condition, awaiting reunification with their families.
Police authorities disclosed that tactical operations remain ongoing to secure the release of the remaining captives and apprehend those responsible for the ആക്രമം, underscoring a renewed push to degrade criminal networks operating within the axis.
Reaffirming the Force’s commitment to public safety, the IGP called on residents to remain vigilant and support ongoing operations by providing credible and actionable intelligence to security agencies.
-
news4 months agoWHO REALLY OWNS MONIEPOINT? The $290 Million Deal That Sold Nigeria’s Top Fintech to Foreign Interests
-
society7 months ago“You Are Never Without Help” – Pastor Gebhardt Berndt Inspires Hope Through Empower Church (Video)
-
celebrity radar - gossips2 months agoDr. Chris Okafor Returns with Power and Fire of the Spirit -Mounts Grace Nation Altar with Fresh Anointing and Restoration Grace on February 1, 2026
-
celebrity radar - gossips4 months agoProphet Kingsley Aitafo Releases 2026 Prophecy: ‘Nigeria Will Rise, but the World Must Prepare for Turbulence’







