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๐—ช๐—›๐—ฌ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช ๐—ฆ๐—›๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—œ๐—™๐—™ ๐—œ๐—ก ๐—š๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ก๐— ๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—›๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ๐—˜ ๐—ช๐—”๐—ก๐—ง๐—ฆ ๐—•๐—”๐—ฅ๐—ฅ. ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—ฃ๐—›๐—ข๐—ก๐—ฆ๐—จ๐—ฆ ๐—˜๐—•๐—” ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐— ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—— ๐—•๐—˜๐—™๐—ข๐—ฅ๐—˜ ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—– ๐—–๐—ข๐—ก๐—š๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—˜๐—ฆ ๐•ญ๐–ž: ๐Š๐–‘๐–Š๐–’ ๐ˆ๐–๐–”๐–Ž

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๐—ช๐—›๐—ฌ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช ๐—ฆ๐—›๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—œ๐—™๐—™ ๐—œ๐—ก ๐—š๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ก๐— ๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—›๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ๐—˜ ๐—ช๐—”๐—ก๐—ง๐—ฆ ๐—•๐—”๐—ฅ๐—ฅ. ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—ฃ๐—›๐—ข๐—ก๐—ฆ๐—จ๐—ฆ ๐—˜๐—•๐—” ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐— ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—— ๐—•๐—˜๐—™๐—ข๐—ฅ๐—˜ ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—– ๐—–๐—ข๐—ก๐—š๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—˜๐—ฆ ๐•ญ๐–ž: ๐Š๐–‘๐–Š๐–’ ๐ˆ๐–๐–”๐–Ž

๐—ช๐—›๐—ฌ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช ๐—ฆ๐—›๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—œ๐—™๐—™ ๐—œ๐—ก ๐—š๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ก๐— ๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—›๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ๐—˜ ๐—ช๐—”๐—ก๐—ง๐—ฆ ๐—•๐—”๐—ฅ๐—ฅ. ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—ฃ๐—›๐—ข๐—ก๐—ฆ๐—จ๐—ฆ ๐—˜๐—•๐—” ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐— ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—— ๐—•๐—˜๐—™๐—ข๐—ฅ๐—˜ ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—– ๐—–๐—ข๐—ก๐—š๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—˜๐—ฆ

๐•ญ๐–ž: Edward Okoji

 

Politics in Cross River State has entered a very dangerous phase, and only those who observe closely can truly understand what is going on. Many people think the Vote of No Confidence passed on the APC State Chairman, ๐—•๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฟ. ๐—”๐—น๐—ฝ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—ข๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—˜๐—ฏ๐—ฎ, is about โ€œ๐˜ง๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ช๐˜ข๐˜ญ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ข๐˜ฑ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ.โ€ But the truth is far deeper, more political, and completely planned for ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿณ.

Today, the real battle is not about money. It is about ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ผ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—–, who controls the delegates, and who determines the future of the party going into the next elections.

And sadly, a man who has worked so hard for the party is being deliberately given a bad name simply because some people want him out of the way.

๐Ÿญ. If the accusations against Barr. Eba were genuine, why did the following major stakeholders pass a ๐—ฉ๐—ผ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ต๐—ถ๐—บ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ?

โ€ข The Vice Chairmen

โ€ข Women Leader

โ€ข Youth Leaders

โ€ข Forum of 196 Ward Chairmen

โ€ข Special Leaders

โ€ข Majority of Chapter and Ward Executives

These same people originally submitted complaints against certain chapter chairmen for ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐˜‡๐˜‡๐—น๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ณ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฑ๐˜€, not against Barr. Eba. After proper investigation, they openly declared support for him.

So what changed?

Reports now show that the โ€œ๐—ก๐—ฒ๐˜„ ๐—ฆ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ณ๐—ณโ€ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—š๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—›๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ began calling and inducing these same party leaders to withdraw their confidence vote and support Ebaโ€™s removal.

This is not coincidence. It is political engineering.

Only a handful of excos, mostly those deceived into seeing this as โ€œ๐—˜๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ธ ๐˜ƒ๐˜€ ๐—”๐˜๐—ฎ๐—บโ€ politics fell for the manipulation.

But even after midnight meetings in Government House, financial inducements, and heavy pressure, strong party leaders like:

โ€ข ๐— ๐—ฟ. ๐—˜๐—บ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—น ๐—”๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฏ

โ€ข ๐— ๐—ฟ. ๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—Ÿ๐˜‚๐—ธ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฎ

โ€ข ๐——๐—ฟ. ๐—๐˜‚๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜ ๐——๐—ถ๐˜„๐—ฎ

And 5 others who were absent. But Emma Ateb was deceived to join the Government team with a promise to be made Acting Chairman but they played him and brought one of their own because an Ayade in law should not be trusted.

The remaining two refused to join the injustice. Now, we hear they are being threatened, and plans for their suspension are already in motion.

If this is not political intimidation, what else can it be?

๐Ÿฎ. Our people say:

โ€œ๐™’๐™๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™– ๐™ข๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™ฌ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™จ ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™ ๐™ž๐™ก๐™ก ๐™– ๐™™๐™ค๐™œ, ๐™๐™š ๐™›๐™ž๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฉ ๐™œ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ ๐™ž๐™ฉ ๐™– ๐™—๐™–๐™™ ๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ข๐™š.โ€

That is exactly what they are doing to Barr. Eba.

They want him gone, so they must create a scandal.

They know that if they come out openly to say they want to control the 2027 delegates, they will face public anger. So they hide behind โ€œ๐˜ง๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ช๐˜ข๐˜ญ ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜จ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด,โ€ even when the facts show the opposite.

๐Ÿฏ. The truth is bitter: Barr. Eba is being punished because he blocked fraud.

He discovered that many chapter chairmen were:

๐Ÿญ. not remitting correct stipends to wards and chapters,

๐Ÿฎ. mismanaging appointee dues,

๐Ÿฏ. diverting LGA funds,

๐Ÿฐ. sitting on over โ‚ฆ๐Ÿฒ๐Ÿฌ ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—น๐—น๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป that belonged to other excos,

๐Ÿฑ. collecting โ‚ฆ๐Ÿฏ.๐Ÿฒ ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—น๐—น๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป โ€œ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ง๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ๐˜ดโ€ monthly and sharing among themselves.

To stop this, Eba introduced a transparent system:

๐—”๐—น๐—น ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฑ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ฑ ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—น๐˜† ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€.

This angered those who had been feeding fat from the old system.

So now, these same people shout that the man who stopped fraud is the one โ€œ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ป๐˜ป๐˜ญ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ.โ€

A classic case of a thief calling a prosecutor a thief.

๐˜ˆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ?

They insist that stipends must again pass through ๐—ž๐—ฒ๐—น๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ก๐—ท๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ด, the so-called โ€œtimber big boyโ€ being used by the New Sheriff.

Why must Kelvin be the middleman?
Who in Government House benefits when funds pass through Kelvin?
Why is a chapter chairman escorted by police to lock up the state secretariat?

The answers will shock many when the Governorโ€™s promised probe begins.

๐Ÿฐ. Let nobody deceive you.
The real reason they want Eba removed is ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿณ.

๐˜ž๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ญ๐˜ด ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ด?
๐˜ž๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ถ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ท๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ด ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜จ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฆ ๐˜ญ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ด?
๐˜ž๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ข๐˜ฑ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ด ๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ค๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ฑ๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ถ๐˜ค๐˜ต๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด?

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—•๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฟ. ๐—”๐—น๐—ฝ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—˜๐—ฏ๐—ฎ.

As long as Eba remains Chairman:

(โˆš). Ayadeโ€™s possible return to Senate remains open.

(โˆš). Their preferred senatorial candidates are at risk.

(โˆš). Their 2027 calculations collapse.

(โˆš). The northern bloc becomes unpredictable.

So, to secure 2027, they must remove Eba now.

It has nothing to do with missing stipends.
It is all about taking over the party.

๐Ÿฑ. The New Sheriffโ€™s real agenda is to replace the following:

Sen. Asuquo Ekpenyong for being too loyal to the Senate President, a man considered to be an enemy of the system.

โ€ข ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ป. ๐—˜๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—ต ๐—ช๐—ถ๐—น๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐˜€ (๐—–๐—ฅ ๐—–๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—น) โ†’ replace with Oden Ewa

โ€ข ๐—ฅ๐˜. ๐—›๐—ผ๐—ป. ๐—”๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜… ๐—˜๐—ด๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ (๐—”๐—ฏ๐—ถ/๐—ฌ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฟ) โ†’ replace with their preferred candidate Moses osogi

โ€ข ๐—›๐—ผ๐—ป. ๐—ฉ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ด (๐—œ๐—ธ๐—ผ๐—บ/๐—•๐—ผ๐—ธ๐—ถ) โ†’ replace with Barr. Atta Ochinke

Dr Emil Inyang, ( Akamkpa / Biase) remove / replaced

โ€ข ๐—›๐—ผ๐—ป. ๐— ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฒ๐—น ๐—˜๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ฎ (๐—˜๐˜๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ด/๐—ข๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ฏ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ) โ†’ remove and replace

โ€ข ๐—›๐—ผ๐—ป. ๐—๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ต ๐—•๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฒ๐˜† (๐—•๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ถ/๐—”๐—ธ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ผ/๐—–๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต) โ†’ replace with their loyalist

Sen. Owan Enoh and Sen Sandy Onoh to be caged ahead of 2031

To achieve this, they need their own ๐—ฃ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜๐˜† ๐—–๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป, ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—˜๐—ฏ๐—ฎ.

๐Ÿฒ. The Governorโ€™s silence shows three things:

๐Ÿญ. Control of 2027 delegates is non-negotiable.

๐Ÿฎ. They believe Eba cannot be trusted to conduct congresses in their favour.

๐Ÿฏ. Ayadeโ€™s political structure must be weakened at all costs.

But the Governor is also facing heat:

โ€ข Complaints from over 90 percent Southern supporters feeling sidelined as government money is confined to the pockets of very few persons.

โ€ข Anger over appointments allegedly favouring Akwa Ibomites

โ€ข Unhappy blocs in Abi/Yakurr and Boki

Massive wood business by chief of staff using his boy Kelvin Njong

So the political ground is shaking.

๐Ÿณ. ๐—˜๐—ฏ๐—ฎ ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—•๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ด๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ข๐—ฏ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ฟ ๐—ฃ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€

Many of their 2027 aspirants are already warming up, both in Senate and House of Reps races.
But one man stands in the way:

๐—•๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฟ. ๐—”๐—น๐—ฝ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—ข๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—˜๐—ฏ๐—ฎ.

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜บ ๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฎ.
๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฅ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฎ.
๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ต ๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฎ.

And since he has chosen to keep quiet, political observers say he may be holding powerful evidence which he will release at the right time.

๐Ÿด. Anyone thinking this is just about Eba is making a big mistake.

If he is removed:

* The New Sheriff installs his own chairman.

* That chairman conducts the congresses.

* Delegates become their loyalists.

* 2027 tickets become automatic for their people.

* Existing leaders will be replaced overnight.

Many will regret supporting this injustice.

๐—™๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ช๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ

Barr. Alphonsus Ogar Eba is not the problem.
He is only the ๐—ผ๐—ฏ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ฒ stopping a grand plan to seize full control of APC ahead of 2027.

They needed a bad name to give a dog they want to kill.

But those who truly understand Cross River politics can see through the game.

The battle is not about money.
It is about ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ, ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น, and ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿณ.

And history will judge everyone according to their role in this unfolding drama.

 

 

๐—ช๐—›๐—ฌ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช ๐—ฆ๐—›๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—œ๐—™๐—™ ๐—œ๐—ก ๐—š๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ก๐— ๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—›๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ๐—˜ ๐—ช๐—”๐—ก๐—ง๐—ฆ ๐—•๐—”๐—ฅ๐—ฅ. ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—ฃ๐—›๐—ข๐—ก๐—ฆ๐—จ๐—ฆ ๐—˜๐—•๐—” ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐— ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—— ๐—•๐—˜๐—™๐—ข๐—ฅ๐—˜ ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—– ๐—–๐—ข๐—ก๐—š๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐•ญ๐–ž: ๐Š๐–‘๐–Š๐–’ ๐ˆ๐–๐–”๐–Ž

๐—ช๐—›๐—ฌ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช ๐—ฆ๐—›๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—œ๐—™๐—™ ๐—œ๐—ก ๐—š๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ก๐— ๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—›๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ๐—˜ ๐—ช๐—”๐—ก๐—ง๐—ฆ ๐—•๐—”๐—ฅ๐—ฅ. ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—ฃ๐—›๐—ข๐—ก๐—ฆ๐—จ๐—ฆ ๐—˜๐—•๐—” ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐— ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—— ๐—•๐—˜๐—™๐—ข๐—ฅ๐—˜ ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—– ๐—–๐—ข๐—ก๐—š๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—˜๐—ฆ

Politics

Kogiโ€™s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododoโ€™s First 24 Months in Officeย 

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Kogiโ€™s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododoโ€™s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwaย 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Politics

Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Saโ€™ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, โ€œThere is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

โ€œThe Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.โ€

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

โ€œWe view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.โ€

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, โ€œHistorically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.โ€

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

โ€œWe therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

โ€œWe urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.โ€

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Politics

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeriaโ€™s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeriaโ€™s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubuโ€™s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeriaโ€™s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that โ€œyou cannot speak truth to power in this dispensationโ€, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makindeโ€™s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governorโ€™s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeriaโ€™s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeriaโ€™s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nationโ€™s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeriaโ€™s principal anti-graft agency โ€“ the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCCโ€™s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCCโ€™s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The oppositionโ€™s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeriaโ€™s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeriaโ€™s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makindeโ€™s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeriaโ€™s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makindeโ€™s Critique Exposes. Governor Makindeโ€™s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

โ€œYOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,โ€ Makinde declared, specifically citing the governmentโ€™s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makindeโ€™s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that โ€œwhen opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,โ€ adding that โ€œa government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.โ€

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that โ€œselective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.โ€ These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeriaโ€™s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciaryโ€™s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makindeโ€™s assertion that it is no longer tenable to โ€œspeak truth to powerโ€ under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeriaโ€™s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeriaโ€™s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeriaโ€™s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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