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Will APC remain in power beyond 2023, as its presidential ticket narrows to Tinubu?

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Ten Major Errors of Buhari That Tinubu Must Not Repeat as President
Nigerian politicians and all the political parties started a long time ago in scheming for the 2023 political tickets and their representatives. But it will soon get clearer to people like me when political parties start zoning, selecting or electing their principal officers – because it is a known fact that any zone that produces a party chairman etc., never produces a presidential candidate of the same party. While it is true that some individuals started their own preparation of contesting the 2023 presidential election even before the 2015 elections, some waited and are still waiting to see as events will turn out.
But for one political party, All Progressive Congress (APC), proceedings are gearing towards one man, Ahmed Tinubu, the Jagaban of Borgu Kingdom, who actually was one of those that had the desire to govern Nigeria and started working towards its actualization before the 2015 elections.
President Buhari tried many times before 2015 to become Nigerian president but failed at every attempt until he came into alliance with Tinubu in 2015 to form APC. With the help of Tinubu many political parties and politicians collapsed their structures into APC, even many PDP stalwarts then who never supported President Goodluck Jonathan’s second term or that had had one problem or the other with some party members formed a group within their party which they named “nPDP” pulled out from PDP and joined APC. And we learnt that one of the agreements reached between Tinubu and Buhari was that Tinubu will give all he has in making sure that Buhari becomes the Nigerian president in 2015 and that Buhari would in return support Tinubu in becoming Nigerian president in 2023. Body language and unspoken words in APC’s hierarch tend to support the above narrative that Tinubu or at least his anointed will be the APC’s presidential candidate in 2023. So, APC zoned its presidential ticket to the south west (Yoruba) the day Buhari sealed his agreement with Tinubu, and it is time for Buhari to pay Tinubu back and redeem his pledge and integrity. Will the northern oligarch allow him do that? Have events changed anything like it happened between the former president, Olusegun Obasanjo and Atiku Abubakar? And how sellable is APC and Tinubu to Nigerians?
I cannot tell what the leaders of APC will tell Nigerians as the achievement of their party and why they should be voted back to power in 2023 as situation of things in Nigeria go from bad to worst.
The bedrock of development, education is suffering in Nigeria and students and parents are in agony and pains: Courses that should take four years to finish in higher institutions etc. may take up to five, six or more years because of lecturers’ strikes. And under this government we have witnessed multiple strikes by lecturers that lasted more than necessary in demand of good welfare packages. Nigerian people believe that the reluctancy and the slow approach by government officials in amicably resolving disagreements with lecturers timely were so perhaps because many of their children are schooling abroad, so schools could be closed “until thy kingdom come”, they don’t feel the brunt. Sadly, the majority of the Nigerian youths who painfully studied using candle/lantern as electricity, survived the aggressive environment of cultism, sexual harassments and exploitations by lecturers through the selling of “handouts” and inhuman conditions of studying in unsanitary and filthy environment they were subjected to graduate are pitifully and helplessly in idle states and hopelessly hopeless of any opportunity of employment. There are no knew factories under this government, instead closure of old ones and retrenchment of workers are the order of the day, and the reasons are not farfetched. Apart from the globally known economic meltdown caused by many factors that included Covid-19, the Nigerian environment is so extremely hostile, a very unconducive atmosphere for companies – whether local or foreign – to emerge and flourish because there is no water, no electricity, no good road, no security and the exchange rate of Nigeria’s money (Naira) to foreign currencies is rapidly dwindling daily – dangerously very bad to a country that depends on importation for almost everything.
There is no conducive atmosphere for companies – whether local or foreign – to emerge and flourish because there is no water, no electricity, no good road, no security and the exchange rate of Nigeria’s money (Naira) to foreign currencies is rapidly dwindling daily – dangerously very bad to a country that depends on importation for almost everything.
The security situation in Nigeria has never been so bad like it is now. No place seems save as Nigerians are being murdered or kidnapped every day in their homes, on the streets and on their farms. The Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar, not long ago said that Northern Nigeria is the worst place to live in Nigeria because bandits and Boko Haram have taken over. According to the Sultan, 76 people were killed in a community in Sokoto in a day. In Borno State, a House of Representatives member, Ahmed Satomi, who represents Jere federal constituency confirmed that (on 28.11.20) Boko Haram killed 44 rice farmers in Zabarmari. For these fears, a coalition of northern groups formed the operation “Shege Ka Fasa” to protect the north, the governors from South west formed Amotekun to protect the Yorubas, and Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) under Nnamdi Kanu formed “Eastern Security Network (ESN)” for the safety of the people of the old eastern region. The question then is, what did the APC leaders meet when they came to power that they improved upon?
The ugliest part of all this is that this government that has plunged Nigeria into trillions of debts and that has borrowed more than any government since the creation of the country is still on borrowing spree. How many visible and quality structures has this government erected to measure the bogus money it has borrowed? What plans has the government got to stop borrowing?
I know that the Nigerian people are very horrible when it comes to choosing their political leaders because they forget easily and can be effortlessly deceived, but on which ground will APC stand to sell itself as a party and its presidential candidate to these Nigerians?
The bitter truth is that the performance of APC since it came to power as a national ruling party in Nigeria failed every standard – so disappointing and shameful. It flopped in economy, failed in security and it is the most corrupt government in the history of Nigeria. In all ramifications, there is no area of governance that one who is not a sycophant can sincerely give this APC government under Buhari a pass mark.
But will Tinubu win the presidential election for APC – if he finally gets the ticket? Or will the emergence of any south westerner as APC’s presidential ticket diminish its chances and boast that of PDP? Mathematically speaking as the situation stands today, 2023 has presented itself as a very good opportunity for the PDP to reproduce the next president of Nigeria. While it is true that there are many other political parties, but the reality remains that none of the parties has the resources and the structures required to win a presidential election except these two identical parties named PDP and APC. However, other political parties in Nigeria may count in the 2023 presidential election only if they all can agree to come together like the way the political parties that formed APC did before the 2015 general elections, in exception of this forget them, none will singly be a threat to APC and PDP. They can only separately play the spoilers’ role.
Whether APC presents Tinubu or another person the effect will be the same as long as that person is from south west. But it will be a political blunder and a grave mistake should PDP take someone from Yoruba or Igbo as its presidential candidate. Irrespective of what people may say or how the party echelons may be pressured, PDP members should not forget that the advantage they have now is that APC as a ruling party is not doing well and at the same time the hands of its members are constrained to take someone only from south west – if they do contrarily they will split to the advantage of PDP. But if PDP refuses to be tactical and take sentiments and emotions away and does not scheme for the emergence of a northerner, considering Nigeria factors, APC will again win the presidential election no matter where its candidate will come from. Note also, if APC picks a northerner as a presidential candidate which I doubt strongly, PDP will gasp for breath of survival.
Uzoma Ahamefule, a concerned patriotic citizen and a refined African traditionalist, writes from Vienna, Austria.
+436607369050 (WhatsApp messages only)

Photo: Uzoma Ahamefule

Politics

Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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