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2023: How Delta PDP, Urhobos will decide who becomes next Governor

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By Ogheneakpobo I. E.

The Urhobo Nation has a population of about five million persons, thereby making it the fifth largest ethnic group in Nigeria. They are also the most populated and largest in Delta State.

Reputed for their unity and common sense of purpose, the tribe is highly respected and feared by their ethnic neighbours. The Urhobos occupy eight local government areas in Delta state, with a few of them mixed up with other ethnic groups in Warri south, Patani, Burutu, Bomadi and Sagbama local government in Bayelsa State.

History has it that during the colonial era, the Urhobos driven by unity of purpose, spoke with one voice and recorded victory against territorial expansionary wars. Unity is typical of the tribe and for a long time was used it to win elections that involved Urhobo indigenes against those of other tribes.

The level of enlightment and quest for a united front among the Urhobos paved way for the early settlers to form a body known as Urhobo Peoples Society led by Chief John Okpodu, from Ovu in Agbon clan in 1931, which was later changed to Urhobo Progress Union.

The organization is binded by the customs and traditional laws of the people as well as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The body became formidable and recognized as the first and largest ethnic union that existed in Africa.

The Urhobo kingdom is traditionally governed by Kings in each of the twenty three clans, excluding the ones outside the eight local government areas in Delta state. The traditional administration that is headed by the King exist side-by-side with the Urhobo Progress Union led by an elected President General and other Executives, thereby having two arms of government that act as check and balance in each of the clans. They never at any time engaged in conflict or showed disrespect in discharging specified roles of leadership.

The roles and functions of the union cut across the Urhobos that are at home and in diaspora. The leaders are expected to be non-partisan. But, can come into political matters that solely involve the Urhobos in order to avoid a loss or break down of age long unity among its people.

The then leadership of Urbobo Progress Union were upright and chosen without bias. Their choice of candidates at that time was focused on ability to discipline oneself, demonstrate efficiency, and provide visionary and purposeful leadership. At the end of each election, no one expressed dissent, neither does it matter to anyone where the elected leader hailed from, provided the person is an Urhobo indigene.

Chief Mukoro Mowoe, an Urhobo Son from Evwreni in Ughelli North Local Government area became the first President General of the body now known as the Urhobo Progress Union. His reign remains unrivaled to this day. Others such as Chief T.E Salubi, Dr. Esiri and Benjamin Okumagba who ruled subsequently also perfomed excellently, as their reign had zero tolerance for corruption and oppression.

The Urhobo Progress Union headed by Chief Moses Taiga is therefore advised to borrow a leaf from these distinguished Urhobo personalities who were detribalized and always fought the course of the Urhobo nation.

The trend in modern society in which self aggrandizement and corruption are on the increase may have paved way for the failure to maintain the dignity, love and co-operation within the Urhobos and the neighbouring ethnic groups. Nevertheless, it is wrong to discriminate, use hate speech or adopt a culture that fosters selfish interests.

Presently, Delta state is comprised of several ethnic groups that are found in the three Senatorial districts, namely Delta Central, South and North. This accordingly was done during the creation of the state to ensure there wasn’t the domineering influence of a major tribe.

Consequently, the structure necessitated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to adopt a zoning formula in which the governorship position was rotated among the three Senatorial Zones. This was accepted and made to work perfectly without opposition, conflict or challenges of any kind.

The zoning strategy paved way for unity and peace which the earlier settlers of Urhobo nation were know for. It is sad that many Urhobo political leaders refuse to be their brothers keeper. Rather, they have become dogmatic and fail to listen or understand the place of the Urhobo nation in winning elections when it comes to the governorship position.

Some of them who refuse to agree that the baton of leadership should be rotational, have found their way to other political parties with the false hope that the Urhobos will win and continue to control the leadership of government in Delta state.

The Urhobo nation, therefore, must be cautious of the choice of candidate they put forward as power is returned back to Delta Central Senatorial District in 2023.

It will matter greatly to close ranks and mend fences by putting behind all acrimonies to enable the people, PDP caucus leaders, and the leadership of Urhobo Progress Union make a choice that will be massively accepted.

It will be painful and unforgivable if the masses are lured to support a candidate who will not be able to identify with the plight of the masses.

By experience, PDP caucus leaders have 50 percent input in making of choices, 30 percent from the masses and 20 percent from the leadership of Urhobo Progress Union.

The task before the Urhobo Progress Union to settle for a candidate to contest in the 2023 general election is made easier particularly given that the People’s Democratic Party has zoned the Governorship position to Delta Central Senatorial district where the Urhobo dominates. It, therefore, behoves on every son and daughter of Urhobo nation to respect and obey the verdict of the union.

In making an informed choice of a candidate to contest the Governorship election in 2023, the Urhobo nation must begin to consider and settle for a person who duly meets the following:

A. A business mogul and a successful industrialist who is well experienced in promoting economic growth and reducing unemployment.

B. A business man who has acquired wealth and will not focus on diverting government monies for his own enrichment.

C. One who has a track record of assisting the people in his community by helping them to raise funds or pay debts.

D. A person who provided palliatives with personal funds to people across the state during the lockdown.

E. Candidate must have viable business establishments in the state where people work to earn and whose source of wealth is beyond politics.

F. Candidate must have good manifesto that will make life better for the masses, and at a time must have contributed immensely by influencing infrastructural development to the community or state.

G. A person who will not discriminate between the rich and the poor in attending to issues that concern the masses; and should be a listening leader with the pedigree to win the governorship election.

The Delta State leadership caucus of the PDP on it’s part should consider the following in making an informed choice of who should succeed Governor Ifeanyi Okowa from Delta Central Senatorial District:

A. The candidate must be loyal to the party and also respect party hierarchy.

B. Must be one who has been a foundation member of the party and always contributed immensely to its growth and development.

C. Candidate should be a person who at no time defected to other parties to contest for any position against the PDP.

D. Must be a person with requisite qualification to meet the Party’s and INEC guidelines

E. Candidate should be financially ready to match the opposition so as to keep the support base of the PDP in the state.

F. Must be the one whose aspirations spread across the state, as reputed to be disciplined and submissive to constituted authority.

With all due considerations taken, the above requirements can only be narrowed down to the callibre of party men like Kenneth Gbagi, whose wealth cannot be traced to politics. By implication, having him as Governor would guarantee the right application of resources budgeted yearly for the state.

Besides, he is one person who understands the plight faced by the masses, and has ready solutions to address them. It is a fact that Gbagi remains the only individual among all the candidates who have shown interest to contest the governorship seat, with viable business establishments in Urhobo land where the people work to earn a living.

Gbagi has undertaken numerous philanthropic gestures that provided free medical and surgical services to Delta state indigenes, to mention but a few.

It, therefore, behoves the Urhobos to produce another successful Governor after the likes of Felix Ibru and James Ibori, with the choice of Kenneth Gbagi, as soon as politicking begins ahead of the 2023 governorship election.

Acting to the contrary would be interpreted to mean that the PDP caucus and the leadership of the Urhobo Progress Union have a hidden agenda not known to the masses, an impression that by all means should be avoided by making the right call in the interest of the state. In other words, PDP must avoid playing into the hands of the opposition if it intends to hold on to the reigns of power beyond 2023.

Ogheneakpobo I.E. is a Political Analyst and PDP stalwart based in Delta State

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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