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Kanu: Ohanaeze, IPOB, AGF Fight Over Kanu’s Trial
Ohanaeze, IPOB, AGF Fight Over Kanu’s Trial
The Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice had in a statement on Monday, after their visit, welcomed the development.
Malami, in a statement signed by his media aide, Umar Gwandu, had maintained that the decision by Ohanaeze Ndigbo was in line with the doctrine of the right of fair hearing that is rooted in Section 36 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
On Kanu, according to him, “Inherent in the position of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo on the matter was the demonstration of their recognition of belonging to Nigeria and succumbing to the rule of law while maintaining their stance that they were not averse to the trial of Nnamdi Kanu”.
The AGF said Ohanaeze, by its position, “showed a mature departure from the mindset of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra”, when it stated that it does not support the use of any form of violence while channeling concerns and presenting demands”.
But the Lawyer to the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPoB, Mr. Aloy Ejimakor has taken a swipe at the proposal to monitor the trial of IPOB leader in court from July 26.
Ejimakor said he was miffed that instead of such, sympathizers should stress on opposing Kanu’s trial instead of talking about fair trial and convergence of monitors for the trial that he said does not arise in the circumstance of his abduction to Nigeria.
But Ohanaeze Ndigbo in a response to Ejimakor said that its decision to raise a legal team to monitor Kanu’s trial was done in good faith to ensure that all rights are respected, saying they are not aversed to the trial.
Alaigbo Development Foundation, ADF, on their own, said their position is to search for political solutions and pile pressure on the federal government to release Kanu, saying the matter has gone beyond monitoring trial.
In a related development, the Chidi-Ibeh faction of Ohanaeze has condemned the legal monitoring team set by the Prof. George Obiozor led group to monitor Kanu’s trial, describing it as illegal and contrary to the constitution of the body which stipulated that such decisions must pass through the Imeobi and General Assembly.
Meantime, the family of the detained IPOB leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, has raised fresh concern over his health just as traditional rulers under the aegis of ‘monarchs of Biafra land’ have advised the government to tread with caution over Kanu’s matter.
Kanu’s trial should be opposed — IPOB’s lawyer
Ejimakor argued that since the Nigerian government broke international protocol and illegally abducted Kanu, it was the Nigerian government that is on trial other than Kanu and urged people to seek Kanu’s redress in that direction.
He cited the case of General Muhammadu Buhari’s botched attempt in 1984 to kidnap Umaru Dikko from London which resulted in some Nigerians paying dearly through jail sentences and diplomatic breakdown between Nigeria and Britain.
Ejimakor said: “While it’s commendable that Kanu has attracted such an avalanche of support across the spectrum, it’s important to make it clear from the outset that there won’t be any trial to monitor. None! Nnamdi Kanu cannot be tried based on this extraordinary rendition that brought him to Nigeria.
“If you truly support Kanu, you don’t need to monitor his trial or ensure he gets a fair trial. What you need to do is to oppose his trial. Saying that you will monitor his trial gives the impression of bestowing legality to the illegality that brought him to Nigeria.
“To better understand how Kanu ended up in Nigeria and why he won’t face trial, you need to juxtapose it to what happened to Umaru Dikko in 1984 and its aftermath. Dikko’s kidnapping was, like this one of Kanu, a brazen act of attempted rendition, which is a state crime under international law and it comes with dire consequences – legal, diplomatic, and political.
“Though the kidnapping of Dikko failed, it brought the following consequences: Britain swiftly arrested seventeen people, four were convicted and they served between six to eight years in prison. Britain expelled the Nigerian High Commissioner and broke diplomatic relations with Nigeria for 2 years. And most tellingly, Nigeria’s subsequent requests to Britain to extradite Dikko and others were summarily denied.
“All these were done even as Dikko was not a citizen of Britain but a mere resident. Conversely, Kanu is a bonafide citizen of Britain, traveling on a British passport when he was unlawfully rendered to Nigeria from Kenya. That should counter more countervailing measures.
“What this means is that, apart from answering to its conscience as a nation, Nigeria shall ultimately answer to Britain, to the international community, and even to Kenya if Kenya succeeds in denying official complicity in the rendition.
“A nation does not go to jail. So, when I stated that Nigeria will answer for the rendition, it means a mix of consequences, some of which are already unfolding. The easiest one to see is that Nigeria has, by her own hands, lost its jurisdiction to subject Kanu to trial. In sporting terms, you can say that Nigeria scored its own goal.
“How that own goal was scored and its fallouts is a complex legal subject that will certainly be ventilated in court and within the diplomatic circles to which Nigeria is subject. But one clear thing is this: No valid prosecutorial or judicial action can proceed from such manifestly criminal conduct by a State.
“So, when you say you will be monitoring Kanu’s trial or that you want a fair trial for him, you are unwittingly buying into a grievous crime that should shock your conscience. Put another way, you will be making yourself complicit in what was done to Kanu, or as lawyers would say: you’re making yourself an accessory after the fact.
“Conversely, it would be a great thing to say that you will monitor the trial of Kanu’s presence in Nigeria was compliant with due process. That due is nothing but what is generally known as extradition.”
Ejimakor noted that extradition was the only valid means of surrendering an international fugitive from one country to the other, which was why Nigeria was punished for daring to kidnap Umaru Dikko during Buhari’s military regime in 1984 and there is no reason to think that Kanu’s case will be different now.
He further said that Nigeria has an extradition statute which is known as the Extradition Act, same as Kenya but with a slightly different name, as well as Britain which all three are, in substance, very similar and strict to boot.
Raising legal team in good faith — Ohanaeze
Reacting to the position of one of Kanu’s lawyers that instead of monitoring, that the legal team assembled by Ohanaeze should oppose the trial, Ohanaeze’s spokesman, Alex Chidozie Ogbonnia said the apex Igbo socio-cultural body has said its position, but added that if the lawyer has a superior idea, he could pass it to them as “we are open to welcome superior opinion.
“We are not at war with anyone. If he has a superior or better idea, he can channel it to us”, Ogbonnia said.
Political solution required —ADF
Alaigbo Development Foundation, ADF, in its reacting said their position is to search for political solutions and pile pressure on the federal government to release Kanu as the issue has gone beyond monitoring trial.
“We, in ADF believe that the trial of Nnamdi Kanu is political. Everything about the struggle for self-determination is political agitation.
“We are opposed to the way and manner he was abducted from Kenya and crudely transferred to Nigeria in violation of international law.
“We are opposed to his trial for treason because the self-determination struggle is a democratic agitation. However, a court of law is still required to make the necessary orders or pronouncements for his release.
“We have gone beyond the rhetorics of monitoring the trial. We urge all committed Igbo groups, personalities, and organizations to pile pressure on the authorities to release Nnamdi Kanu.
“The problem requires a political solution and not a legal solution”, ADF said in a statement by its Spokesman, Abia Onyike.
Legal Monitoring team unconstitutional —Ohanaeze faction
A statement signed by the Chidi Ibeh faction of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide accused the Prof. Obiozor group of working with the agents of the federal government to infiltrate Nnamdi Kanu’s legal team to achieve selfish ends.
It warned the Obiozor faction to respect Kanu’s fundamental human rights and allow his legal team to work independently without a monitoring team that may be used to mar his trial.
“Ndigbo are amazed at how some desperate and shameless Igbo Elders could descend so low that they are being used as political jobbers and shenanigans against Nnamdi Kanu without the constitutional approval of Imeobi and General Assembly of Ohanaeze Ndigbo.
“Ohanaeze Constitution did not permit anyone to set up any legal team without the authorization of Imeobi members and the approval of the General Assembly as stipulated in articles 20 and 21. The Imeobi and General Assembly are the highest decision-making organs of Ohanaeze Ndigbo. The last meeting of the Imeobi was on 31st December 2020. General Assembly meetings had never met since 4 years ago.
“We are pressurized by Imeobi members and well-meaning Igbo leaders to disassociate Ohanaeze Ndigbo from any legal team, as it is ” illegal, unconstitutional, null and void. The office of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister for Justice should know that based on the Ohanaeze Ndigbo Constitution, it’s the fundamental liberty of Nnamdi Kanu to choose his legal team, as any attempt to drag Igbo leadership to give it an ethnic back up to justify a premeditated penalty for Nnamdi Kanu would be dead on arrival”.
Kanu’s family raises concern over his health
The family which spoke through Kanu’s younger brother, Prince Emmanuel, said that they had not been allowed access to him since he was brought back to Nigeria.
They expressed worry over his health condition and appealed to the United States of America, Israel, Russia European Union, and other lovers of democracy to come to their aid.
The family particularly appealed to them to ensure Kanu gets justice, insisting that he is only a freedom fighter and deserves international protection.
“They should allow him to see his doctors. We don’t know why they don’t want his doctors to see him”, Prince Emmanuel agonized.
The family also insisted on explanations on how their son was “abducted and bundled” back to Nigeria.
The family said that they would not attend any court hearing against their son unless it was explained to them how he was “kidnapped in Kenya and who his abductors were or were working for.
” We won’t be in court on 26th (July) until they explain to us how and who kidnapped Nnamdi in Kenya.
” We need clarifications on what happened and how he was brought to Nigeria illegally.
“Even Britain whose citizenship he holds said she needed explanations on what happened. So, we need to know what happened.”
He particularly appealed to them to ensure Kanu got justice, insisting that he is only a freedom fighter and deserves International protection.
Tread with caution over Kanu’s matter
The monarchs of Biafra land’ cautioned the government not to allow “anything happen to Kanu” while in its custody.
The monarchs who stormed Kanu’s Afaraukwu country home to solidarize with the family said his arrest and detention would not bring any solution to the rising agitation for self-determination but rather worsen the agitations.
In a statement jointly signed by the National Chairman of the body, HRH Eze Gideon Ejike, National Secretary, HRH Eze Onyeka Madu; and its Anambra State Chairman, HRH Eze Levi Okonkwo, the monarchs cautioned against mishandling of Kanu’s matter.They insisted that dialogue and not prosecution would solve the growing agitation for self-determination in parts of the country.
The monarchs advised the federal government to look into the questions raised by Kanu and find a way of resolving them instead of clamping down on him.
According to them, Kanu’s detention would rather fuel agitations for self-determination, hence the need for government to look for a political solution.
Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.
Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.
A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.
Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.
Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.
Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.
Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.
The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.
No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.
Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.
What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.
2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.
3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.
4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.
The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.
Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.
The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.
First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.
Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.
Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.
At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.
Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.
“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”
While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.
FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.
“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”
celebrity radar - gossips
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos
Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.
Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.
Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.
Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.
From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.
As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.
For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.
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