Politics
PDP’s GREAT BETRAYAL AND THE CHOICE BEFORE THE APC
PDP’s GREAT BETRAYAL AND THE CHOICE BEFORE THE APC
With the emergence of a Northerner as its presidential candidate I wonder how Afenifere, PANDEM, Ohaeneze Ndigbo, the Middle Belt Forum and the Southern and Middle Belt Leaders Forum now feel about their favoured child known as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)?
The virulent and avowed opposition that these august and highly respected bodies had against a Northern presidential candidate has been overuled by their party.
Their call for an Igbo presidential candidate has been ignored and treated with contempt and disdain.
Their preffered party is fielding a Northerner and there is nothing they can do about it.
They have been misled, fooled and scammed and they have no influence or power over the affairs of their favoured party.
Despite their reverred age, wealth of knowledge, profound insight and depth of wisdom their PDP has tossed their collective counsel into the dustbin.
Permit me to welcome them to the world of ‘real politik’ and I advise that they stop allowing themselves to be so easily manipulated and deceived.
Politics is a game of numbers where words and the knowledge of history alone count for little and where only insight, passion, a firm resolve and a large war chest coupled with the ability to conspire and the courage to build bridges even with past adversaries and former foes are the keys to success.
In this game, like the words of Shakespeare’s witches in his famous play ‘Macbeth’,
“fair is foul and foul is fair: hover through the fog and filthy air!”
It is a strange and difficult game filled with intrigue, betrayal and treachery.
It is murky, it is foggy, it is dark, it is treacherous, it is full of intrigue and mystery and nothing is as it seems or appears.
They thought their PDP would produce a Southern candidate even if the APC failed to do so but now they know that the trust they bestowed on their arrant yet favoured child was misplaced.
This was a shocker to them.
And let me assure them that more shockers and surprises are coming.
I believe it is time that they start thinking differently and adopting a new approach in order to achieve their noble objectives of a fair, equitable and just Nigeria in which we are all equals regardless of ethnicity or faith.
Constantly suppporting and relying on the PDP and hoping they will come to power to do something new, fix the problems and provide the solutions is an ill-placed illusion and dangerous delusion.
It simply cannot work.
I advise them to have a rethink and to realign.
In doing so they may well make a difference and achieve their noble objectives.
Now permit me to get to the meat of this essay.
It is interesting to note and quite an irony that the ruling All Peoples Congress (APC), a party that the opposition PDP has wrongly labelled as a bunch of Northern irridentists and hegemonists, are now the ones that could possibly provide a Southerner as their flag bearer.
Conversely the PDP, the party that has always claimed to champion the precepts of equity, justice and Southern rights and that has always prided itself on its strong Southern base, has opted to give its presidential flag to a Northerner.
They turned their backs on the people of the South East who have given them more support than any other ethnic nationality in the country over the last 23 years.
They spurned the people of the Middle Belt who saw in them a hope of salvation and emancipation.
They rejected the people of the South South whose sons and daughters stood firmly behind them through thick and thin.
Finally they displayed their usual and utter contempt for the people of the South West who they have always regarded as nothing but the biblical “hewers of the wood and the drawers of the water” and the poor relatives of the party ever since President Olusegun Obasanjo left power in 2007.
Worse still they gave their ticket to a man who is the best of friends with Sheik Ahmad Gumi, the defender-in-chief of the terrorists of the North West, they gave it to a man who withdrew a public condemnation of the savage lynching of Miss Deborah Emmanuel in Sokoto and they gave it to a man that refused to condemn the brutal slaughter of a pregnant Fulani lady and her four children in Anambra.
They gave their ticket to a man that lost the 2019 election and promptly left the country for 3 long years for beautiful Dubai, abandoning all his followers and supporters to weather the Nigerian storm and waters.
How this man can sleep at night I really don’t know!
They gave their ticket to a man who is soft on the terrorists that are butchering the people of the North West and North East and who has offered no solution to the plague of unknown gunmen and terrorists that are slaughtering people in the South East.
Is this a party that can be trusted with power?
Have they not become the very monster that they once claimed to seek to oppose and destroy?
Have the tables not turned?
Has the party not been taken over by faceless hardliners with a hidden agenda?
Can the people of the South West, South East, South South, North Central or even North West and North East trust Atiku with power?
I have my doubts. The truth is that the PDP has been high-jacked by a dangerous cabal who have utter contempt for anyone and everyone that is not part of their inner circle.
Many ask, who are those in this cabal?
Who are those that now control the PDP and that ensured that Nyesom Wike was defeated and Atiku emerged?
The same forces ensured the emergence of Atiku at the Port Harcourt Convention in 2018 by whispering his name at the last minute to the relevant stakeholders and they have done it again in 2022.
How can a serious political party not afford Ayo Fayose, Dele Momodu at least ONE vote each at its presidential primaries simply because they refused to bribe the delegates?
How can they lose Rabiu Kwankwaso, Peter Obi and Enyinnaya Abaribe to other smaller and totally inconsequential parties just before their convention?
How can they deny Pius Anyim the presidential ticket?
How can they not encourage Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, who is the best of them and the brightest star in the South East, to run for the nomination?
How can they reduce Emmanuel Udom to 13 votes, Bala Mohammed to 20 votes and Bukola Saraki to 70 votes and how can they deal such a ruthless death blow to the aspirations of Nyesome Wike who struggled so hard to bring the Presidential ticket to the South?
Had it not been for Aminu Tambuwal’s decision to back Atiku at the last minute, Wike would have won with flying colours.
And look at their Convention itself? Was it not a show of shame where the highest bidder simply took the prize?
Were the activities there not worse than those in an 18th century Parisian whore house where money was exchanged for services rendered?
This was not an election but a shameless gathering of corrupt souls in which the dollar determined the outcome at the behest of its providers.
The delegates were bought and their price was on open display.
It was a shameful dollarfest in which honor, decency, politics, merit and seriousness had no place.
It was a jamboree of spending and an act of open worship to Mammon, the god of money.
A candidate that emerges from such a gathering and as a consequence of the invocation of such dark and bestial forces and powers cannot be expected to do any good.
If there was any reason for INEC to nullify a party Convention this particular one provided it.
Put together, the PDP convention was worse than an Arab carpet bazaar and an Indian brothel all rolled into one.
It stank to high heavens and it resulted in a shameless mess which lacked any pretence to legitimacy.
The truth is that there really is something defective about the thought processes and reasoning of the PDP.
Time will prove that.
Interestingly there are many in the ruling APC who have expressed a strong preference for a Southern presidential candidate for 2023 and most of them are from the North.
Would it not be a remarkable thing if President Muhammadu Buhari, the man many in the South have constantly viewed with suspicion and skepticism and who many have wrongly labelled as an ethnic warlord and religious bigot, was the one that gave the South what they wanted?
And make no mistake about it, this decision is Buhari’s and his alone.
He alone will most likely determine who APC will field and where that person comes from.
If he chooses to stop any presidential aspirant from emerging even at this late stage he can do so, no matter how popular, rich and powerful that aspirant may be.
Just one phone call from him to the relevant stakeholders can achieve that.
He can also endorse the weakest and most unlikely contender even at the last minute and that person will emerge.
Such is the respect, trust and affection that the leaders and members of the party at every level have for him.
As they say, he has the “yam and the knife” and he can determine what will happen or choose to sit back and allow all the aspirants to slug it out until the best man wins.
I am on record as saying that the three zones that ought to be considered for the nomination before others are the South East, North Central and North East and I stand by that.
Compared to the South West, North West and South South none of them have had a fair crack of the whip when it comes to democratically- elected Presidents and they all deserve to have their chance.
They are not slaves and they need to be encouraged, given a sense of purpose and carried along.
I maintain this position even if I am the only one that refuses to hedge my bets and say so publicly.
I also maintain that it would be easier for a Northerner to defeat Atiku but, if truth be told, it would also be a reflection of the courage and sense of fairness of the President and the APC that, even if it means risking the 2023 election, it is better to do the right and proper thing, assuage the fears and worries of the South, honor past commitments and allow a Southerner to take over.
This alone will make Buhari a hero above all else.
This alone will give Nigeria a new lease of life and will restore and strengthen North/South relations.
This alone will assuage the feelings and heal the wounds of those that live in perpetual fear of Northern hegemony and domination and quench the awesome fire of the militants and separatists that thrive in the South East, South West and South South.
This alone will send a strong signal to Boko Haram, ISWAP, the killer herdsmen and the foreign terrorists that they have failed to destroy our fragile unity and to divide us.
This alone will be a legacy that will speak for our President and our party into eternity.
The question therefore is whether we do the right thing by giving the ticket to the South or do the politically expedient thing by giving it to the North.
That choice will be made at the APC convention in a few days time.
Let us wait and see.
(FFK)
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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