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Mallam Nasir el-Rufai: The Unguarded Utterances of Mr. I know it all
Mallam Nasir el-Rufai: The Unguarded Utterances of Mr. I know it all.
In his book, The Accidental Civil Servant, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai said former President Olusegun Obasanjo told him that he was going to easily make enemies and be hated because he looked too smart and intelligent. The letter writer was mistaken because there was nothing unusual about el-Rufai’s petite physique that could intimidate anyone, only his loudmouth. Mallam el-Rufai has a way with words, and regardless of who you are, if you hear him talk for five minutes on any subject matter, you will either applaud, loathe, or hate him. He is smart, very articulate, and bold in all his arguments, opinions, and expressions.
I am compelled to write this article because I no longer believe that Mallam el-Rufai’s vituperations and postulations are those of a statesman or a true leader. Furthermore, the way and manner in which he talks about the president and his party is sickening. In fact, el-Rufai wants us to believe that he was single handedly responsible for the emergence of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the presidential flagbearer of the APC. As far as the Kaduna state governor is concerned, he was the most critical factor that led to the emergence of Tinubu as the flagbearer of the APC, and he will not rest on his oars until the jagaban becomes the president. That way, the jagaban will be indebted to el-Rufai, the new power broker and leader of the new cabal. I reckon that el-Rufai is working very hard to emerge as our next Mamman Daura.
Recently, el-Rufai was on his Channels to castigate the president as an indecisive leader who is incapable of identifying a successor, and also accuse some people in the Aso villa of working for the defeat of the APC. He stated that those forces in the villa were enraged that their preferred candidate had been defeated in the APC presidential primaries. Before you could say, Jack Robinson, the so called most intelligent and fearless governor in Nigeria was on TVC and BBC Hausa, where he not only expounds on his Channels interview but also says that there are no more elders in the north. He said he is an elder because he is a grandfather and he was twice elected governor, and that those so-called elders in the north don’t deserve to be called elders because they were never elected into political office, as if all that it takes to be an elder is winning an election. Unfortunately for el-Rufai, many Nigerians don’t see him as an elder, and had it been that he was standing for an elective office in this general election, Nigerians would have shown him the red card.
I’m told el-Rufai is a fox who doesn’t care about the APC or even Nigeria as a country. What he is concerned about is his interests and ego. Three years ago, the news was rife that el-Rufai would be paired with Rotimi Ameachi as vice president and president, respectively. The two were like Siamese twins, and as of that time, el-Rufai was always in Abuja meddling with the duties of the vice president just to show that if he ends up becoming vice president, he will be a better one. He did all he could to get Buhari to name him and Amaechi as successors, but the president kept mum. He continued with Ameachi until when he realized that Ameachi was planning to take a former Army chief as his running mate. That was all that el-Rufai needed to change his direction and look for another presidential aspirant who could take him on as a running mate. The fact that el-Rufai refused to contest for any post was because he was eyeing the vice president slot. Since Rotimi Ameachi was planning to take his running mate from the northeast, el-Rufai manipulated and advised the northwest governors to opt for Tunubu as flagbearer of the APC. He did so because he believed Tinubu would choose him as his running mate if he became the APC’s flagbearer. He did that knowing fully well that the president preferred either Yemi Osibanjo or Ameachi to succeed him because of their age, guts, and clean records. But since neither of the two wants to take him as a running mate, they will not get the ticket. He worked tirelessly and encouraged the APC flagbearer to make use of money to win the APC primaries. But alas, Tinubu, despite all the shenanigans and manipulations mounted against him, refused to take the most intelligent governor as his running mate but instead went for Kashim Shettima.
The PDP’s flagbearer is a dangerous man—very dangerous in el-Rufai’s estimation. Life will be hell under an Atiku presidency. Mr. Atiku identified and recommended el-Ruafi to Chief Obasanjo, but el-Rufai betrayed him when Obasanjo gave him the impression that he was going to make him president. There is no love lost between el-Rufai and Atiku, and el-Rufai knows that. For that reason, Tinubu must succeed and become president. No, not because el-Rufai believes in Tinubu but because the flagbearer of the PDP is a sworn enemy. Therefore, when he wrongly thought that some people inside the villa were working for Atiku, he became mad and lost control. He went berserk and began to say things that he could not verify. All I can say here is that no one forced the president to redesign the Naira and give a date for changing it; the president did it on his own. To be fair to el-Rufai, the timing of the idea was wrong. As we can see, the enchilada has become counterproductive simply because the criminals are always a step ahead of the president. At a time when the APC needs the goodwill of Nigerians through their votes, this scarcity of the Naira notes made them frown at the party and even stone the president in Kano when he went for a state visit. The Naira scarcity is a national disgrace because it has dragged the government into fortuitous terrain that they never imagined they would find themselves in. We are now selling our own currency; both APC and PDP stalwarts unleashed their goons to scout and buy new Naira notes for them to the tune of hundreds of millions at a commission. The scarcity had crippled the business of the ordinary man on the street. It has made the APC very unpopular, and el-Rufai like every other Nigerian, has to be worried.
This is not the time for the APC to come out to the public and wash their very dirty linen, which many Nigerians already know. What they need to do is exercise caution, refrain from all unguarded utterances, and work together to see how the APC can win the February 25th elections. I say this because the stakes are high, and the APC cannot afford to treat this election lightly. This is because it will be difficult to rig this election, not just because of the BVAS but also because Nigerians are ready to see that their votes count. But I think what the APC should be worried about is the conspicuous silence and absence of major northern Christian APC stalwarts in the Tinubu campaign train. I am worried about the posturing and indifference of Boss Mustapha, the SGF. I think he is on the same bandwagon as Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara and Babachir Lawal. Not only that, I also believe that VP Yemi Osinbajo is also against his own party because of his stand against the Christian-Christian ticket. In fact, Tinubu compounded the matter when he picked someone who castigated him as an ice cream seller. Same with Ameachi and a host of others. Regardless of whatever their present position is, the APC must do everything to win them over and make sure that they work for the party. Even though Kashim Shettima hurriedly ran to go and see Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi in the company of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, it is public knowledge that both Sheikh Bauchi and Ibrahim Saleh al-Hussain had endorsed Atiku, and this is something the APC should also worry about.
Why did I ignore Sen. Rabiu Kwankwaso and Peter Obi, some readers of this post may ask? This is Nigeria, a very distinctive nation with its own distinct quirks. For an Obi presidency, the moment is still not right. The man still doesn’t have widespread appeal. Sen. Kwankwaso would have performed better, but he began his campaign later than expected, and his party’s influence is only in Kano and a few northern states. The upcoming elections in Nigeria will still be heavily influenced by money because Nigerians haven’t learned their lesson, just like when the big boys traveled to Abuja as party delegates to choose the presidential flagbearers, but instead of casting their votes for the candidates who would best serve their moral convictions, they opted to amass money instead.
Given the current political climate, it is essential for all APC leaders to show restraint and abide by the rules of their party and show decorum. Any overzealousness from a party leader, such as the recent statements from el-Rufai, could potentially rock the boat and destabilize the APC. It is therefore important that el-Rufai be cautioned and be advised to work harmoniously with other APC leaders to ensure that their party succeeds. APC leaders as well as PDP leaders strive to remain united and committed to the fundamental principles of democracy in order to ensure a stable and secure nation.
Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.
Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.
A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.
Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.
Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.
Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.
Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.
The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.
No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.
Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.
What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.
2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.
3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.
4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.
The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.
Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.
The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.
First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.
Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.
Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.
At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.
Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.
“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”
While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.
FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.
“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”
celebrity radar - gossips
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos
Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.
Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.
Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.
Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.
From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.
As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.
For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.
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