Politics
EXCLUSIVE ! How Ibrahim Babangida annulled 1993 election over MKO Abiola’s Vice + The Three backbone behind Abiola’s victory revealed
The June 12 1993 Election has come and gone but the memories of that year will forever linger around in the heart of Nigerians. The outcome of the election led to the death of Nigeria’s most celebrated democrat, MKO Abiola.
The election results came out and MKO Abiola won but due to some reasons, it was annulled by General Ibrahim Babangida. This brought about a lot of reactions and in a bid to reclaim victory, some died in the process.
On the 12th of June, 2018, MKO Abiola was honoured with the GCFR Title with his Vice by President Buhari but further researches carried out by Sahara weekly revealed that those who actually fought for Abiola, those who were with him even before election weren’t mentioned.
In an interview with one of them, Chief Abimbola Aboderin, the elder brother of Deceased Punch MD, Wale Aboderin, he revealed a lot of things that weren’t known to the public.
Excerpts below :
Q – Can we meet you?
R – My name is Chief Abimbola Aboderin, I’m an industrialist, .Although I studied Banking and finance in California, , I also do property business.
Q – We understand you have a strong relationship with the late MKO Abiola, how did it all started?
R – Late Abiola was a very close friend of mine, it all started when I came from US In 1980. I came to the house to see my father who was an industrialist and a politician at the beginning With the likes of Late Adegoke Adelabu and Awolowo. So that day when I came to see my late father, I saw Abiola on the floor because my father was sitting at the Water front house.
I saw someone lying there, I didn’t know who he was and I asked my father. He said his name was Abiola, I didn’t know who he was. He saw me and greeted me and asked me to come see him later. He wanted my father to convince the Yorubas to be on his side and that Was in the early 80s. So, I went to see him and we discussed. We didn’t see again for a while until the day I met him again in Ibadan at the late Chief Lamidi Adedibu’s home who happened to be living in one of the properties my father gave him. I was like his landlord. My father gave him little of the property when he came to request for help from him but he put me in control of it. Adedibu was anxious to see me so I met Abiola there for the second time. He greeted me and told me he is afraid of the convention towards his nomination that he knows he will win the general election but the convention is his problem.
We became friends, Also I got to know General Ibrahim Babaginda through the armed forces. He introduced Yaradua to me and General Alimi,. The three of them were my friends. I was one of the special Monitory group and while we were canvassing for votes, it was obvious that Kingibe and Atiku were leading, Atiku was using Yaradua’s structure so we didn’t know what to do again and Adedibu suggested we go to Yaradua’s house., He took a few people there and at the end of the day, he was able to convince him to ask Atiku to step down so all his delegates now voted for MKO and that was how he won the convention.
He only beat Kingibe with few delegates. so we were all happy and jubilated. I didn’t stay with them but ayed in a hotel with a doctor and Abiola’s lawyer, Chief Abimbola. We were close and they call us President’s men. After the victory, Adedibu suggested we visit Yaradua to show appreciation. We got there and as Abiola’s right hand, I was given a package to give Yaradua to thank him, sincerely, Adedibu played a key role in Abiola’s political journey. As we came out of Yaradua’s home, I was throwing some cash and everyone was jubulating but some people were not happy and wanted to kill Adedibu. They started shooting . Luckily, I had my car with Lagos number escaped the assassination attempt. If not for the game we played during the convention, Abiola would have lost that election.
it was very crucial because he told me personally. Afterwards, we formed a committee towards the general election and we started raising money for the Late MKO because no matter how rich you are, you must raise money for politics. Thus, the day we commenced preparation towards the election, , Abiola came with his wife, Bisi. He organised his three wives into three zones. Bisi was for West, Soyinka handles the East and Kudi was North. We raised about 360 Million cash and some few cheques. The money was in my custody from 6 o’clock till the next morning, if I had removed N50Million then I would have bought a house at GRA then ( smile) but iI’m not desperate becaise am comfortable. The next morning, the lawyer came, we handed the money to Chief Adedibu and all of us drove to Lagos to see Abiola at home.
We jubilated again and said we will win the general election by God’s grace. Everything was in our favour and you can see that Abiola was winning all over the country. The election was very peaceful, the best so far in Nigeria. We then drove to Abiola’s house after the election and went up stairs where we normally have our meetings
Even before that, lets talk about the issue of Vice Presidential candidate. IBB and Abiola were good friends. They were always talking, it wasn’t a tribal thing., What happened was that when two people were nominated from what Abiola told us, Bafau and Matama Sule. They were the credible people. Bafau was head of the labour at that time, so we said if we choose those people, kingibe will not be happy because he was the party chairman and he can play games.
We asked the lawyer to go to Abiola and tell him Ambassador Babagana Kingibe was the man we chose., That’s how he got there,. He used to sit down very quietly at Abiola’s place , he didn’t know how his nomination has Vice president came about. But I think when Abiola told IBB, about the choice of Kingibe as Vice president, he was not happy.
Q – So IBB Preferred either of those two to Ambassador Babagana Kingibe ?
R – Yes,! It’s ts not as if the doesn’t like him but he prefers those people. Back to the election, While we were all jubilating, we just suddenly heard the election was cancelled. We were shocked.
Abiola asked us what’s the solution? His lawyer started a legal action. We were the first to start the legal action against the Government. We went to Mr Afe Babalola to discuss, people were ready to fight but to me it wasn’t a war issue. It was just an issue between two friends.
Q – When the election was annulled, what was MKO’S Reaction and did he try to reach IBB?
R – At that time, they were not really talking on phone again., Abiola was angry too so we got some people from Ibadan to protect Abiola. Another issue is that some people betrayed Abiola by divulging what we discussed to Babangida and vice versa., Some people were like that because they wanted money. They were political jobbers . They came between the two of them,l. Our plan was that Abiola should go abroad and declare so they can call him over to be president but unfortunately, the struggle was hijacked by NADECO. I know you cant declare king in a cabinet of Lion, and Abacha was already in power., That was the beginning of the problem
He was locked up. We tried our best to get him out. We went to Abacha and Adedibu tried to convince him to release Abiola but they took it seriously and I can’t blame him. If there was diplomacy, they could have settled the issue between two friends. At the end of the day, Abiola died. it was a very painful day for me especially for a man who has worked so hard for him.
Q – As someone who was close to IBB, Did you at any point in time during or after the annulment tried to get IBB’s Opinion?
R – Unfortunately, when I was with Abiola, IBB didn’t know. I didn’t see him for a while. When he became president, I only saw him once.
Q – During the Annulment, How did Abiola react and what did he say about IBB? IBB Said he annulled the election because of his own life, do you believe?
R – I believe Abiola had issues with some people in the armed forces. He made a mistake by calling them Bad dogs., Probably they were not happy that a man that could abuse them is coming in but Abiola meant well for the people. I believe it is possible that IBB was scared because some soldiers might not want Abiola to be there. They were good friends.
Q – Would it be right to say MKO Was betrayed by people close to him?
R – Yes, some of them took words from Abiola and told IBB. Sincerely, if we have engaged diplomacy as planned and getting him to declare his mandate abroad, it would have been better. It wasn’t a tribal thing but NADECO hijacked it and it spiral out of control. I can’t blame them. Everybody was angry with government.
Q – Talking about President Buhari’s honour of Abiola 25 years after, what is your take on that? Do you believe its the right time or it’s politically motivated?
R – Actually, he is right because it’s been a long period, it’s never too late to do justice. The man won the election. I think Buhari did a good thing.
Q – There was a story that Abiola said Kingibe was part of the people that betrayed him that he even started giving him salary as a vice-president immediately he picked him, how true is this?
R – I don’t know. That is between him and kingibe. He didn’t tell me that.
Q – Before the annulment, did late MKO Abiola have the premonition that such will happen?
R – No, because we were all happy. He was sure of victory and was shocked when it was annulled
Q – During the struggle, Kudirat lost her life too, were you still part of the struggle then or you decided to leave them because you didn’t agree with the way they were going with the struggle?
R – I didn’t agree with the radical approach. Even when Abacha took over from Ernest Sonekan, everyone rushed to Kudirat’s place and we were hoping Abacha would do something because he was talking with MKO too then. We were not happy with the struggle, because with little tact and diplomacy, it would have been different today. I commend Buhari for what he has done but most people honoured were not part of the real story. Adedibu, myself and the lawyer were the backbone behind the struggle because all decision were made by us.
Q- What did the lawyer say about the honour?
R – I called him. He was one of the Oba’s that were chosen to be at the event. His name is Oba Abimbola Jibola.
Q – Was he happy with the radical approach?
R – He wasn’t happy because it was annoying.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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