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Human Security and Osinbajo State Police Thesis By Jimoh Ibrahim CFR

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Human Security and Osinbajo State Police Thesis
By Jimoh Ibrahim CFR

 

 

Osinbajo, at 64, Nigeria Vice President a Professor without a Ph.D. degree, must have come ahead of his age in the contemporary times of intellectual politics. In the few years to come, he will be out of politics, not out of the political system. He will be remembered for his thesis on human Security and the phenomenon of the state police.

Yes, Osinbajo may not achieve his desire for the state police for now. The government’s mathematical algebra characteristics (he is part of) and the irredeemable political strategy of individual self-esteem playing high in the face of human insecurity is one obstacle he may not overcome in the present time.

Osinbajo’s thesis is clear that state police will be fostering human Security and bring about much-needed peace for humanity. Osinbajo reacting to the elementary questions for students of Security in international relations who will usually debate: Security for in (or of) what, security from what, Security for what, and Security by what means?

Distilling those questions to an appropriate analysis will surely propel an answer that suggests a decentralising policing system in the converging federation of dotted ethnicity and scattered jurisdiction of an incredible human accident of one federation demanding for (golden) national unity. Suppose Osinbajo did not achieve the desire of his thesis now. In that case, it is too confident that at one time in the point of need. Nigeria (I predict will be begging for intellectuals to lead the government) in the face of the dangerous political lane, Osinbajo thesis will be a new strategy to go in a contemporary Nigeria (I mean the desire for state police).

The value for Security in the present time is indispensable considering the state of insecurity in Baghdad, Beirut, Gaza, Mogadishu, Grozny, Belfast. Again no one will forget so soon September 11 attack on the World Trade Center or the July 7 bombings on the London Underground or the not too far away from us the Boko Haram insurgency and the Nigeria military counterinsurgency. Or the state of insecurity passed on to us by the amalgamation of 1914 or the not too long after the Nigeria independence- the civil war of the Biafra nation attempt to secede from the circumstantial British inevitable federation of Nigeria. In all, there is enough for Osinbajo to be worried about.

Trajectorially, Thomas Hobbes reacted to the nature of Man in the state of nature. And, the desire for safety and peace necessitation the control of man by the leviathan. ‘there is no place for industry… no arts, no letters, no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short’. I have reacted to Thomas Hobbes in the introduction chapter of my second Ph.D. thesis on Modern war.

I said, “A New war emerging in the face of the Nigerian leviathan’s undermined man’s dignity contrary to Hobbesian assertions—the Nigerian government’s failure to provide public goods to the emergence of the Boko Haram insurgency. The citizens contest their rights to life (now in danger), withdrawing their loyalty and support from the government and the armed forces. A praxis leads to a power shift from the state to the identified local group (Boko Haram), now defending their ethnic territory resulting in continuous violence between soldiers and civilians with mass civilian casualties, genocide, systemic rape, and unquantifiable property destruction fostering human insecurity. I further expressed the fear that: The experiences of clans, tribal groups, fractions, nations, and profit-seekers attempt to secede are noticeable from Tamils in Sri Lanker and Russian in East Ukraine.

Insurgency gaining control to power (Angola and Mozambique) or new wars arising from acquiring or having access to lucrative materials/ resources (Syria and Iraq) are comparative studies that strengthen the Nigerian insecurity dilemmas and may explain Osinbajo desire for state police.

If we secure individuals, we secure the state and the international geo-centric family. If we undermined the Security of one individual, we put the state’s peace at risk, and we invite war of the global system. We are venerable in modern times to think of anything in government more than Security. It is not the war of the missies’ attack of the common exchange of outdated AKA47, but there is a modern threat to Security that stays with us here daily, creating such challenges beyond our imagination. We already left the days of Tudor, Valois, Bourbon, Hapsburg, Wittelsbach, Hohenzollern, Savoy, Romanov, and so forth or the great dynastic families of Europe where the hegemon celebrate their martial rex est imperator in regno suo – ‘the king is emperor in his own realm’ the hegemon is not secure in the modern days if individual Security is compromised, the state have no rest in the face of abuse of human freedom and international war is echoing if human abuse is undermined. We do not know if the war will meet us in peace or we find peace after the war. If we act fast, it is in our interest to enjoy peace, and we cannot be policing from far away.

Osinbajo fear is the Conversely the withdrawal of popular legitimacy when state profile reads red signal in security language, i.e., when states cannot satisfy these essential criteria, their statehood becomes suspect. States may fail when rival actors such as warlords or popular militias usurp some of their governmental powers, notably the monopoly of force. And with high crime rates, extreme corruption, a robust ‘black (unregulated) market,’ judicial ineffectiveness, military interference in politics, or cultural situations. Traditional leaders have more authority than the state in a particular area of competency or regional jurisdiction. Or summary, the inevitable institutional void converging, we may not travel too long to see. Domestic circumstances in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Sierra Leone, and Sudan have in recent years all been characterized by conditions of armed conflict, famine, disease, and refugees.

Consequently, these are widely acknowledged to be ‘failed states. And Nigeria inclusive (God forbid and as I do know Osinbajo praying in the redeemed church praxis) that Nigeria end in such a game plan. Again, about 2 billion people live in insecure states, with varying degrees of vulnerability to widespread civil conflict. In other words, for somewhere in the region of 2 billion men, women and children worldwide, national Security has failed to guarantee personal Security. This statistic is a damning indictment of the national security paradigm.

Our lovely Vice President, I know that Crystal champagne will not flow at your birthday celebration today, after a lot of fasting and in the lent period. Still, I bring greetings from my bachelor’s degree cohort at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) International Relations Department. I wish you many happy returns.

 

Jimoh Ibrahim CFR is the Chief Executive Officer, Global Fleet and writes from London

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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”

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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”. By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

 

Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.

Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.

 

A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.

 


Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.

Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.

 

Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.

Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.

The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.


No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.

Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.

What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.

2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.

3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.

4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.

The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.

Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.

The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.

First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.

Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.

Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.

At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.

 

Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.

Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.

“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”

While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.

FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.

Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.

“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”

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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration

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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration

By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

 

Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.

Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.

Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.

Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.

Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.

As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.

For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.

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