Only We Can Save Us: The African Redemption Must Come From Within

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Sahara Weekly Nigeria

Africa bleeds not for lack of resources, but for lack of vision, unity and self-determination. The continent remains entrapped in the cobwebs of post-colonial dependency, neo-imperialism and internal betrayal. We have become spectators in our own salvation. Yet, the truth is simple and sobering: ONLY WE AFRICANS CAN SAVE OURSELVES FROM THIS CALAMITY THAT HAS BEFALLEN US. No foreign aid, no white saviour, no international coalition will do for Africa what Africa must do for herself.

Our destiny has been outsourced for far too long to the IMF, World Bank, European Union, United States and now China. Each comes with their contracts, debts and doctrines of dominance. But as Thomas Sankara once declared, “He who feeds you, controls you.” This remains the reality of our existence, a continent that imports what it produces and exports what it needs; a shame.

The Colonial Hangover and the Curse of Dependence

More than 60 years after so-called independence, the legacy of colonialism still governs Africa’s political and economic frameworks. Our borders, languages, governance systems and educational structures are all relics of imperial design. It was Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s revolutionary leader, who once thundered: “Only a dead imperialist is a good one. We don’t need them to teach us democracy; because they never practised it.”

Yet our governments continue to beg for crumbs while sitting on golden thrones of untapped potential. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and largest economy, is still grappling with unstable electricity despite spending over $29 billion on the power sector since 1999. How does a country so rich in oil and gas remain so poor in energy?

As Nelson Mandela aptly said, “It is in the character of growth that we should learn from others, but we must never lose our own identity and purpose.” Unfortunately, much of African governance today is mimicry of broken Western models that do not reflect African realities.

The Leadership Crisis: Greed over Nationhood
Leadership remains Africa’s greatest curse. The continent suffers not from scarcity of natural wealth, but from a plague of corrupt, visionless and comprador elites who serve foreign interests. Idi Amin Dada, though controversial and ruthless, once nailed the hypocrisy of Western meddling when he said: “I am not a politician but a professional soldier who is trying to save his people.” He, like many African strongmen, saw the dangers of bowing to Western pressure even though his methods were flawed.

In today’s Africa, elections are bought, not won; democracy is whispered, not practiced; and constitutions are shredded at will. Institutions are weak and leaders are beholden to foreign validation rather than domestic transformation. Rwanda and Botswana shine as exceptions but the rule remains grim across the continent.

Unity or Death: The Gaddafi Vision
Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s former leader, had a dream for a UNITED STATES of AFRICA. He envisioned a common currency, one military and an African Central Bank independent of the dollar and euro. He said: “There is no state with a future except the state that we build with our own hands.” But Western powers, aided by African collaborators, assassinated that dream in 2011.

The irony? Libya had one of the highest standards of living in Africa under Gaddafi with FREE EDUCATION, FREE HEALTHCARE and SUBSIDIZED HOUSING. Today, it is a fractured nation overrun by MILITIA and SLAVE MARKETS. This is what happens when we destroy our own for foreign applause.

The Intellectual Awakening: PLO Lumumba’s Call
Few voices speak truth to power today like Professor PLO Lumumba. He warns, “AFRICA is not POOR. It is POORLY MANAGED.” He has consistently challenged African youth to rise above TRIBALISM, RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM and POLITICAL IDOLATRY. He preaches a pan-African renaissance built on self-reliance, accountability and cultural pride.

He asks a difficult but necessary question: “How can we be free when our education, food, clothes, medicines and technology are all imported?” This rhetorical bomb should shame any African leader still dancing to foreign tunes while their people starve, drown in the Mediterranean or rot in xenophobic camps across the world.

Mobutu: The Paradox of Patriotism and Plunder
Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (presently DR Congo) famously changed the country’s name to remove colonial identity, but simultaneously looted it blind. His contradiction teaches us something: nationalism without ethics is tyranny in disguise. Mobutu once said, “In Africa, there is only one party: THE STATE.” His iron-fist rule epitomizes how African nationalism can be weaponized against its people if not rooted in justice.

DR Congo today, with over $24 trillion in untapped mineral resources, remains one of the poorest nations on earth. Why? Because external powers partner with local elites to loot its cobalt, gold, diamonds and coltan; the very materials that power your smartphone and electric cars.

The Youth and Diaspora Must Rise
Africa’s salvation will not come from aged men who see power as a retirement plan. It will come from the restless youth and the exiled diasporans (those who understand the world and reject excuses). According to the African Development Bank, over 60% of Africa’s population is under 25. This demographic advantage must not be wasted on social media, TikTok trends and political apathy.

As Thomas Sankara warned, “You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness.” That “madness” must be in the youth who reject imported democracy and design an African model rooted in communal governance, economic sovereignty and indigenous pride.

Steve Biko, the martyred South African activist, said it best: “The greatest weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.” That psychological warfare continues today through IMPORTED BRANDS, FOREIGN EDUCATION, WESTERN NEWS NARRATIVES and CULTURAL ALIENATION.

What Must Be Done?
We must implement the following immediately:

Pan-African Curriculum: Teach African history not just colonial exploits. African languages not just French or English. Our children must grow with pride not confusion.

Economic Sovereignty: Cancel dependency on the IMF and World Bank. Promote intra-African trade. Adopt local currencies for regional transactions. Strengthen the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Diaspora Engagement: Leverage the skills, capital and networks of the diaspora. Offer dual citizenship, voting rights and opportunities for reintegration.

Technological Independence: Invest in African-made technology and innovation hubs. Local problems need local solutions and not Silicon Valley charity.

Military Unity: Form an African rapid-response force to deter coups, genocides and foreign interference. An attack on one African country must be treated as an attack on all.

Our Defining Hour: The Road Ahead Is Ours Alone
The TIME for BEGGING is OVER. The TIME for BLAMING COLONIALISM while ENRICHING NEOCOLONIAL AGENTS is OVER. The TIME for OUTSOURCING our DESTINY MUST END NOW. No SAVIOUR is COMING. We are the SAVIOURS we have been waiting for.

As PLO Lumumba thundered, “Let us not AGONIZE. Let us ORGANIZE!”

Let this be a clarion CALL to students, traders, teachers, farmers, engineers, politicians and artists: RISE! Wake up! Africa is not dying; she is being killed. And we are the only ones who can stop the bleeding.

The world will NOT respect Africa until Africans respect THEMSELVES.
And that begins not tomorrow… but NOW.

Lawyers, CSOs Storm Attorney General’s Office Over $5 Milion Tuition Fees Paid For NMDPRA’s Boss Children

Hundreds of lawyers and members of civil society organization, today, stormed the Attorney General’s Office with a petition demanding immediate action against Engr. Farouk Ahmed, the CEO of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA).

The group alleges Ahmed abused his office, misappropriating over $5 million in public funds to fund his children in elite schools abroad.

In the petition signed by Barrister Aquila Kendo, the Concerned Nigerian Youths Forum claims Ahmed’s children attended prestigious schools in Switzerland and India, with tuition fees running into hundreds of thousands of dollars.

It also alleges conflict of interest, citing Ahmed’s son’s employment with Oando PLC, a company regulated by NMDPRA, and accuses Ahmed of casting doubt on the quality of petroleum products refined by the Dangote Refinery.

“The actions attributed to Engr. Farouk Ahmed, if proven, violate a number of federal statutes and ethical standards,” Kendo stated.

“First is Section 172 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which binds public officers to act in the public interest and to eschew corruption. The diversion of public funds or influence-peddling to sponsor private education abroad directly contradicts this provision.

“Under Paragraphs 1, 6, and 11 of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution (Code of Conduct for Public Officers), a public official is required to declare all assets and liabilities and is barred from engaging in activities that create conflict between their private interest and public duties.

“The Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act (CAP C15 LFN 2004) reinforces these rules and outlines penalties, including dismissal from office and seizure of assets not lawfully acquired.

“Additionally, Section 15 of the Public Procurement Act 2007 forbids public officers from authorising public spending not backed by lawful appropriation. No known appropriation or budget line justifies the alleged expenditure on foreign education in this case.

“Furthermore, Sections 19 and 26 of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act (ICPC Act) criminalise the use of public office for unjust enrichment and the receipt of any advantage that could compromise an officer’s impartiality. We believe the benefits allegedly extended to Oando and the regulatory latitude granted to fuel importers fall within these violations.

“Under Section 1 of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, any individual who disguises the origin of funds through layered transactions or transfers via proxy accounts is liable to prosecution.

“Finally, Engr. Ahmed’s alleged issuance of licenses to import high-sulphur diesel also violates provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) that empower NMDPRA to safeguard the health and safety of Nigerian consumers through environmental and technical product compliance.”

The group is calling for Ahmed’s immediate suspension, coordinated investigations by EFCC, ICPC, and Code of Conduct Bureau, and swift prosecution if allegations are substantiated.

They also demand systemic reforms within NMDPRA to prevent future occurrences, aiming to protect Nigeria’s petroleum sector from corruption and ensure accountability.

RISING TERROR THREATS AND SHIFTING ALLIANCES: A STRATEGIC WAKE-UP CALL FOR NIGERIA

By

Brigadier General SK Usman (rtd) mni fnipr fspsp

The Commander of the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM), General Michael Langley, made headlines over the weekend when he linked the recent resurgence of terrorist attacks in Nigeria to the U.S. military’s withdrawal from key bases in Niger and Chad. Speaking during a digital press briefing after the “African Chiefs of Defence Conference” in Kenya, the Marine Corps General declared the Sahel as the new global epicentre of terrorism, warning that extremist groups in the region may soon gain the capacity to strike inside the United States. He was reported to have lamented that without bases in Niger and Chad; the U.S. could no longer effectively monitor terrorist activity in Africa. Insinuating that his country may not be able to adequately support Nigeria with intelligence and other critical information needed for its counterterrorism efforts. Langley also alleged that China’s growing engagement on the continent is purely extractive and self-serving. These comments, while striking, are as revealing in what they omit as they are in what they assert, and they deserve further scrutiny.

To be fair, General Langley raises valid concerns. The U.S. had historically supported regional counterterrorism initiatives in West Africa, particularly through intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance (ISR) operations and joint military training programmes such as Operation Flintlock, Obangame and African Lion, amongst others. Therefore, it could be argued that departure of U.S. forces from Niger, Chad, Mali, and Burkina Faso has undeniably diminished coordinated responses to violent extremist organisations like Boko Haram, ISWAP and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), which now exploit the security vacuum in ungoverned spaces in the West African sub-region, Gulf of Guinea and the Sahel. In Nigeria, especially in Borno, Benue and Plateau States, we’ve seen a disturbing resurgence of security threats manifesting in terrorists’ activities that have claimed hundreds of lives and displaced thousands in recent weeks. This might be connected to the absence of timely, actionable intelligence, possibly once facilitated through U.S. partnerships, which have played a role in these escalating attacks.

Yet, Langley’s narrative warrants closer interrogation. His assertions seem less about Nigeria’s security and more about reasserting U.S. strategic presence in the West African sub-region—potentially even soliciting the siting of new American military bases in Nigeria, as has been touted by several persons, though denied by the Nigerian government. This kind of messaging, while diplomatically subtle, aligns more with U.S. strategic interests than with a genuine reflection on past shortcomings. The claim that the U.S. provided robust intelligence support is contestable. During the peak of Nigeria’s Boko Haram insurgency, critical U.S. assistance, including intelligence, weapons and platforms, was either withheld or came too late. Notably, the A-29 Super Tucano aircraft, vital for close air support and counterinsurgency, arrived years after Nigeria made repeated requests and at a staggering cost. Worse still, these platforms were delivered with operational restrictions tied to U.S. human rights assessments, reflecting a conditional approach that undermined Nigeria’s sovereignty and urgency in responding to terror threats. The donated 24 Mine Resistant Armour Protected (MRAP) vehicles in 2016, valued at about $11 million by the U.S. to Nigeria, were largely unserviceable, requiring more than their cost value to make them useful.

In contrast, countries like Russia and China have stepped in with fewer strings attached. Russia has sold arms, helicopters and provided military training to several African countries, including Mali and Burkina Faso, where Wagner Group operatives now operate openly. China, through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has invested over $155 billion in African infrastructure since 2000, and while its security presence is limited, it has expanded military cooperation with nations like Djibouti (where it has a naval base) and Angola. According to a 2023 report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Russia is now Africa’s largest arms supplier, accounting for 40% of major arms imports into the continent. These figures indicate not just a shift in alliances but a realignment of geopolitical influence. The message is clear: African countries are exploring alternative partnerships that promise support without the heavy conditionality often associated with the US and other Western nations.

For Nigeria, this moment is both a warning and an opportunity. While we cannot ignore the importance of U.S. expertise, intelligence and defence capabilities that could enhance our security, we must not become overly dependent or be drawn into the tug-of-war between global powers. Therefore, Nigeria must adopt a non-aligned, yet strategic foreign policy posture, forging relationships based on mutual respect and clear national interest. More importantly, we must double down on regional leadership, embark on constructive engagement with our West African neighbouring countries, and strengthen multilateral platforms like ECOWAS and also revitalise the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) and invest more in indigenous intelligence capabilities. We must also hold ourselves more accountable by addressing the internal drivers of insecurity: governance issues, youth unemployment, ethno-religious divisions and weak institutions.

The recent surge in terror attacks across West Africa and the Sahel is real and disturbing, and so are the shifting global alliances around us. But in addressing these threats, Nigeria must not allow itself to be a pawn in the geopolitical chessboard of foreign powers seeking influence in Africa. Undoubtedly, addressing insecurity remains a critical challenge for Nigeria, impacting various aspects of our national life, from economic stability to social cohesion. Therefore, the evolving nature of these threats necessitates a multifaceted approach, combining robust domestic strategies with effective international collaboration. Consequently, the Nigerian government must look inward and further support its security forces. Encouragingly, we have recently witnessed a renewed vigour and notable successes by these forces in the northeast, north central and northwest regions. This momentum highlights the importance of sustained internal commitment, which needs to be commended, encouraged and supported. At the same time, the United States must also rethink its engagement model with African countries, particularly with nations like Nigeria that have demonstrated genuine commitment and sincerity of purpose in addressing their security challenges.

True partnership must be built on respect, responsiveness, and shared priorities, not just strategic calculations. In this new security reality, Nigeria’s path must be defined by sovereignty, self-reliance and smart diplomacy. Anything less would be a missed opportunity and a costly mistake.

The writer, Brigadier General S.K. Usman (Rtd), mni fnipr fspsp, is a strategic communication and security expert and public relations consultant. He is active on social media platforms including Facebook, LinkedIn, X and YouTube, all under the handle ‘@skusman’.