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Nigeria dying under Buhari’s jackboot

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Tunde Odesola

Once upon a Babel, there was a tower that reached to the heavens. Like Nigeria, Babel was a country that thrived on visionless tyranny, but eventually fell off the global map into extinction. For Babel to disintegrate, the country’s tongue lost the unifying power of communication and the falcon no longer heard the falconer.

Nimrod, the great-grandson of Noah, who built the all-saving Ark, led the construction of the all-destructive Tower. Sometimes, a prodigal son trashes excellent heritage by burning the tree of inheritance. Located in present-day Iraq, the remains of Babel ruled by Nimrod, a mighty hunter, fascist and narcissist, have become critical references in archeological studies and political misrule.

Babel shares a few disturbing traits with Nigeria. Like Babel, Nigeria, under Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), appears irreversibly committed to self-death, yet hounding all voices of reason pleading soul-searching and repentance from the sworn path of doom.

The breakdown of communication in Nigeria, as it was in Babel, is on three levels. They include intra-government level, government-citizen level and government-government level. Instructively, however, extreme leadership failure is the dagger to the heart of Nigeria’s communication breakdown and the harbinger of the accompanying hardship on the citizenry – just as it was in Babel.

The breakdown in intra-government communication is evident in the senseless wars that have rocked the Muhammadu Buhari nepotistic administration. They include the shameful combat between Buhari’s late relative and Chief of Staff, Abba Kyari and the National Security Adviser, Babagana Monguno; the insult by Okija Shrine client and Minister of Labour, Chris Ngige, against Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of Bullion Van fame and his failed Kogi governorship hopeful godson, James Faleke; Inspector General of Police, Muhammamed Adamu vs the Chairman, Nigeria Police Service Commission, Musliu Smith; disgraced Chairman, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Ibrahim Magu vs Department of State Service; Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami vs Magu; Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Ibe Kachikwu vs the late Group Managing Director, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, Maikanti Baru.

Within the mismanaged Buhari government, sacked National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress, Adams Oshiomhole and Ngige the giant, assaulted Nigerians with individual public hubris. In line with the chauvinistic body language of the Buhari administration which limits women to ‘the kitchen and the other room’, the intra-government war within the Buhari rulership is clearly no respecter of women as the Chairman, Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, Abike Dabiri-Erewa, said the Minister of Communication, Ali Pantami, used armed men to chase her and her staff out of the office space given to her commission. The list of intra-government insurgencies in Buhari’s confused government is endless but I’ll limit myself to the above-mentioned examples in the spirit of fairness as I ask a simple question: Are all these fights in the interest of the nation or the pocket?

Communication breakdown on government-citizen level is the government’s unheeding of the daily lamentations of anarchy, starvation, diseases, poverty, insecurity and hopelessness by millions of citizens who regret the country’s political leadership and wished they were citizens of other countries where leadership is meaningful. It’s also the agony of thousands of citizens who’ve lost their loved ones to killer Fulani herdsmen, murdering Boko Haram and terminator kidnappers and bandits who daily paint the country with the blood of innocent souls while the Buhari government folds its arms akimbo and lounges on the throne with legs crossed in indifferent majesty.

The Buhari-led APC government is light years away from ordinary citizens. It’s not close to influential citizens, either. The government is just stranded in a world of its own do-nothing.

Nobel laureate, Wole Soyinka, grabbed his fertile pen last week and warned that Nigeria was fast sailing to the cliff of extinction. For the first time in the foreseeable past, Soyinka publicly agreed with former President Olusegun Obasanjo on the perilous direction of the Nigerian ship.

In a frightening depiction entitled, “Between ‘Dividers-in-Chief’ and Dividers-in-Law,” Soyinka said, “We are close to extinction as a viable comity of peoples…On Africa Day, May 2019, organised by Union Bank of Africa, I similarly seized an opening to direct the attention of this government to warnings by the Ota farmer over the self-destruct turn that the nation had taken, urged the wisdom of heeding the message even while remaining chary of the messenger.

“That advice appears to have fallen on deaf ears. In place of reasoned response and openness to some serious dialogue, what this nation has been obliged to endure has been insolent distractions from garrulous and coarsened functionaries, apologists and sectarian opportunists.

“This nation is divided as never before, and this ripping division has taken place under the policies and conduct of none other than President Buhari…Does anyone deny that it was this president who went to sleep while communities were consistently ravaged by cattle marauders, were raped and displaced in their thousands and turned into beggars all over the landscape?”

Soyinka went on to bemoan the suffering of pensioners, numberless Benue farmers slaughtered by suspected Fulani herdsmen, army of jobless Nigerian youths, age-long corruption in the petroleum ministry headed by Buhari in military khaki and the lopsided unitary system of government being deliberately practised by the country.

For a global literary colossus of Soyinka’s stature, preemptive intuition should be a given. Having been in the vanguard of social re-engineering struggle for 70 years, Soyinka perfectly preempted the unintelligent response of the Buhari administration to his admonition. He said, “The rains did not just begin to beat us yesterday in the nation… Past leaders will not be permitted to forget or gloss over own self-centered interests and nation corrosive lapses that brought us to this parlous present.

“But we do endure in this here and now, in the immediacy of current governance, so let no uppity flunkey attempt to divert attention from current realities, realities that now clearly pronounce this nation of once promising prospects a basket case of abject penury and insecurity, where hordes of trained minds and sturdy limbs roam the streets as beggars, as haphazard vendors of the products of other people, other lands.”

By his response to Soyinka’s advice, Buhari’s Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, is a perfect fit for the uppity flunkey character described by the octogenarian. And uppity flunkey means arrogant uniform-wearing manservant.

In his characteristically insulting reply to the myriad of cracks identified by Soyinka on Nigeria’s famished geography but which Buhari has widened into abysses, Adesina said Buhari inherited a ‘terribly’ divided Nigeria from Goodluck Jonathan in 2015, adding that there was nothing special about Soyinka’s warning.

If a terribly divided country was truly inherited from Jonathan, Buhari’s misgovernance has terribly shattered the delicate egg of the Nigerian nation into smithereens. If Buhari reads the news and has answers to Nigeria’s problems, he would’ve long known he doesn’t need uppity flunkeys like Adesina around him. Unfortunately, however, the delusive Adesina probably knows far too much than Buhari in everything except cocking a gun and herding.

Last but not least level of communication breakdown inherent in the Babel and Buhari governments is the government-to-government communication breakdown. The inability of the Buhari regime to get repatriated former public officers, who stole billions during the Jonathan years and fled abroad, is a telling indictment on the ability of the Daura leader to communicate the goals of his government to other world leaders.

Also, Buhari’s reaction to the visa ban imposed by the US and the UK on perpetrators of violence during the Kogi and Bayelsa governorship elections exposes the mouth of a crying government in diapers. If democracy had been improved by a grain in the last five years of the Buhari leadership, the US and UK needn’t hold up the cane of visa ban.

Make no mistake, countrymen, I hear deep snoring from the cockpit of the green-white-green plane on auto-pilot. The signs are ominous.

Email: [email protected]

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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