Politics
THE HUMILIATION OF THE VILLA FIEND
In September 2019 I tweeted the following to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo.
“Ambassador Ayo Oke, the former Director General of the Nigerian Intelligence Agency, took care of you. He paid your bills and protected you. He kept all your dirty little secrets. He gave you wise counsel and comforted you even when you shed tears and said you couldn’t take it anymore. All this yet you sold him down the river. Your fingers have finally been caught in the cooky jar and your benefactors and detractors have begun their work. They have demoted you, humiliated you, used you and dumped you. By the time they finish with you you will wish that you had never been born. Worse still Oke is no longer there to help you. Poor chap. Politics is a terrible thing when compared to the legal profession. This is especially so when you are a Professor of Law. At least you can go back to your pastoral work at Redeemed Christian Church of God when all else fails. My prayers are with you.”
A few days later I added the following, again in reference to the Vice President.
“If the short man doesn’t resign within six months they will soon be sending him to wash toilets. You came in on the same ticket, you sold your soul, you betrayed your people, your tribe, your region and your faith and you sucked your boss’ rectum for four years!Look at what you got in return! Shame on you!”
Two months down the line both tweets have proved to be prophetic. They also signified the beginning of the end for our Pastor and Professor.
Over the last two months, despite all pretentions to the contrary, things have gone downhill for him and he appears to be a drowning man. It is only a matter of time before the final offensive and assault is unleashed against him by his traducers in the Presidency, the axe falls and he is finally thrown out.
I have been reliably informed that three names, all from the South West, have been penned down and are all being considered as his possible replacement. If this proves to be true I would not be the least bit surprised because those that ride on the back of the tiger always end up in its stomach.
The question that arises is what our reaction ought to be to the way the Vice President is being treated.
In this respect, insightful, sensible and refreshing are the words of Chief Yinka Odumakin, the erudite and courageous spokesman of Afenifere, when he said, on behalf of the Omo Karo Jires and the sons and daughters of Oduduwa, that
“Vice President Yemi Osinbajo is being humiliated and NOT the South West. He has never supported the South West since he became Vice President”. (Sunday Vanguard, 10th November 2019).
I wholeheartedly concur.
I am also encouraged by the fact that Baba Ayo Adebanjo, the number two man in Afenifere, one of the most reverred and respected elders and leaders in Nigeria and a man that I am prepared to follow into battle blindfolded, said that he had told Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and Vice President Osinbajo to “leave the APC”.
He said, “I don’t want to be dragged into the issue. What has he done that the South West has benefitted from? I am 91 years old and all I want is a better Nigeria. I have told Tinubu and Osinbajo to leave the APC”. (Sunday Vanguard, 10th November 2019).
These are wise words and faultless counsel. The consequences of not heeding them, at least for Osinbajo, are now manifest for all to see and sadly the chickens are coming home to roost.
It is Osinbajo’s turn to be exposed, grilled, humiliated, rubbished and dumped by the cabal today but, mark my words, it will be Tinubu’s tomorrow. They shall both reap the consequences of what they have sown and the choices they made.
I do not relish in the travails of Osinbajo and to a certain extent I pity him but what I will not do is defend him in the name of South Western or Southern solidarirty or anything else. In my view he simply does not deserve that kind of support and it irks and irritates me to no end when others try to give it to him.
For example when Professor Banji Akintoye, a notable elder and respected leader from the South West who has displayed immense fortitude in recent times and who I have immense respect for, says that Vice President Yemi Osinbajo should not be treated badly by President Muhammadu Buhari because he is a son of Oduduwa, I really do wonder.
When he says he is watching events unfold I wonder what he really believes he can do to save the Vice President from the consequences of his own shameless behaviour, cowardly disposition, ignoble foibles, treacherous actions and dishoborable choices.
Osinbajo willingly opted and eagerly chose to be an eager slave and even went as far as to publicly declare himself as a “son” to Nigeria’s third and most dangerous Mahdi and to her last Amalekite King. Such choices are an affront to the Living God that he claims to serve and they come with dire divine consequences.
Permit me to qoute Professor Akintoye in full. He said,
“We are watching events unfold with keen interest. We are taking note of what is happening to them. Nobody should make the mistake of thinking that the “Yoruba” (his word) will be watching and allow their son to be degraded and dehumanised. It will be very difficult to advise Osinbajo because he holds a high office but my advice to him is to stick in there and let us see what they will do, then they will see what WE will do”. (Sunday Vanguard, 10th November 2019).
The question here is who are the “we”? Maybe Osinbajo’s shrinking circle and coterie of friends, family, loyalists and supporters but kindly leave the rest of us out. The rest of us do not wish to get involved and neither do we care!
With the greatest respect, on this particular matter Professor Akintoye certainly does not speak for me or for any of those that share my views. He may have his opinion and he is certainly entitled to it but I also have mine and so do millions of others.
In any case does he know the atrocities that Osinbajo has secretly committed against the South West and indeed the entire South behind closed doors over the last few years?
Does he know how many sons and daughters of Oduduwa that he is trying to bring to their knees and destroy? Does he know what he did to Prince Deji Adeyanju, a fellow Oduduwan? Does he know the role he played in the arrest and prolonged detention of Omoyele Sowore, another son of the Anago?
Does he know how many sons and daughters of the South West Osinbajo is trying to send to jail for no just cause and for doing nothing wrong other than the fact that they refused to bend the knee and bow to his principal Muhammadu Buhari and simply because he wants to sacrifice them and please his northern masters?
Does he know how many sons and daughters of Oduduwa he has locked up and detained unlawfully? Does he know how mich wickedness he has infllicted on his own Karo Jire kinsmen?
Does he know the disdain and contempt he has shown Oduduwans, southerners and Christians, who he is meant to represent on the presidential ticket, over the last few years.
Sentiment ought to be left out of this. There is nothing worse than a traitor and Osinbajo is the greatest and biggest traitor to the Oduduwan and southern cause in Nigerian history.
A man that opted to align with and support those that oppposed the proscription of Boko Haram? A man that said we should pray for Fulani herdsmen as they rape and slaughter our wives and children?
A man that said the mass murder, genocide and ethnic cleansing of our people by the Fulani militias in Nigeria was exagerrated?
A man that travelled abroad and said all African countries are corrupt? A man that poured scorn and insults on all those that stood up to the tyranny and hegemony of his Fulani masters over the last four years?
A man that refused to see the President of CAN in his first 3 years in office as Vice President and only spoke to him through the Villa chaplain? A man that spent the better part of the last 4 years trying to weaken, discredit and destroy CAN?
A man that celebrated and encouraged the slaughter of IPOB members, including women and children? A man who stood by silently and turned a blind eye whilst his security aides beat up a journalist at the Presidential Villa and smashed his camera?
A man that sold his soul to the devil and served the Fulani cabal to the best of his ability. A man that has sat by silently as the Judiciary, Natiional Assembly and all our reverred institutions and lesders in the south and Middle Belt are rubbished?
A man that has told all manner of lies against President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Goodluck Jonathan, Vice President Atiku Abubakar and countless other opposition leaders brandishing them as corrupt and unfit for public office whilst he serves the most corrupt, racist, vicious,, sectional and oppressive Government in our entire history?
A man that insulted Afenifere leaders and those that called for restructuring and desctibed them as jobless people that are just seeking for relevamce? A man that insulted his own in-law, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, by saying he was wrong when he described Nigeria as a mere geograohical expression?
A man that has betrayed his owm mentor Asiwaju Bola Tinubu? A man that that used his Redeemrd Church and his spiritual dather to split Christendom and help put in place an eviil Anti-Christ Governmrnt.
I have no sympathy for Osinbanjo and I do not think any southermer, Middle Belter or Christian that is in his right mind oight to either.
He is a disgrace to Oduduwa, to the south, to the Church, to Christendom and to the God that He claims to love and serve. Worse of all he is a worthless coward! A man that considers his political career as being more important than the life of a believer.
A man that said nothing when a lady Pastor from his own Redeemed Church was murderd by islamists and jihadists in cold bllod right on his doorstep in Abuja? A man that lacks courage, wisdom, humanity, decency, charity and compassion.
Is that really a man or is he just a whimp? Is that a servant of God? Is that a believer?
I say to hell with such a man. He dies not deserve any support or sympathy from any quarter. He entered into a demonic Faustian pact gladly and willingly in 2015 when he joined Buhari. We warnrd him but he woild not listen. He wined and dined with the devil and now the devil has come for his soul.
I say let him perish with it. No-one can resist the judgement of God and it will take a lot more than Professor Akintoye to save him from that.
Those that speak for him in tte name of Oduduwa solidarity would do well to do their homework about this man. They should speak for themselves and not me.
Osinbajo made his bed and he should be allowed to lie in it. If he had any decency he would have resigned by now but he lacks self-respect and honor so he can never do so.
He is motivated by nothing but greed and ambition and that greed and ambition will destroy and consumme him.
Permit me to conclude this contribution with the following. On 12th November Shola Salako, a leading member of YOLICOM and a highly respected writer and public commentator wrote,
“Vice President Yemi Osinbanjo has no integrity, no balls and is a poor student of history”.
Shola, as courageous and forthright as ever, is absolutely right.
NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)
The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria
1. Introduction & Rationale
The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.
Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.
The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.
This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.
2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?
The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.
Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.
Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:
In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.
In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.
These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.
The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.
3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion
Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.
After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.
Other patterns of exclusion include:
Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states
Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones
Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens
Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices
These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.
4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People
The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.
From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.
One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.
Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”
Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.
Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.
In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.
Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.
The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.
Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria
5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency
Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.
The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.
A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.
Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.
Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.
Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.
Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.
The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.
Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.
Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.
The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.
It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.
6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora
Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.
Notable examples include:
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership
Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing
Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions
The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.
7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP
Vision
A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.
Mission
To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.
Core Values
Peaceful Advocacy
Civic Empowerment
Equity and Fairness
Inclusivity
Democratic Participation
8. Strategic Objectives
Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.
Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.
Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.
Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.
Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.
Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.
9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes
To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:
A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)
A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.
B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)
A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.
C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme
Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.
D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)
To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.
E. Research & Policy Development Wing
A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.
F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project
This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.
10. Organisation & Structure of IPP
The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:
The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.
Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.
National Executive Committee – National leadership team.
International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.
Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.
Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.
Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.
11. Call to Action
This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.
By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.
Our Tomorrow Starts Today!
SIGNED
HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026
Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration
…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance
LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.
Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.
“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.
The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.
The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.
The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.
The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.
Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development
The Executive Governor of Zamfara State, Dr. Dauda Lawal, has reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to guiding Zamfara State towards sustainable development by inaugurating and initiating a series of pivotal projects in the Anka Local Government Area.
Among the key undertakings announced are the comprehensive reconstruction and modernization of the Emir of Anka’s palace, signaling a revitalization of traditional leadership; the initiation of work on the crucial Anka–Abbare Road, which is expected to significantly improve connectivity; and the construction of a new Local Government Secretariat.
Additionally, the projects encompass the establishment of dedicated offices for the Hisbah Commission and the Community Protection Guards, alongside the reconstruction of the Safe School in Anka, emphasizing the administration’s focus on enhancing educational infrastructure.
During the commissioning event, Governor Lawal highlighted that these projects are a fulfillment of commitments made during his campaign, aimed at transforming the local landscape by improving infrastructure, stimulating economic growth, bolstering public service efficiency, and enhancing the capacities of security agencies. He called for a collective effort from the community to ensure proper maintenance of these facilities, underscoring the shared responsibility in preserving public assets.
Governor Lawal shared that similar projects have also been inaugurated in Tsafe, with plans for upcoming projects in Kaura Namoda, Moriki, Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi, all expected to be completed and inaugurated by the year’s end. This ambitious timeline reflects the administration’s urgency in addressing the development needs of various regions within the state.
In his remarks, the governor urged residents and local traditional institutions to collaborate closely in maintaining the newly commissioned structures and supporting the overarching objectives of his administration. “I stand here in Anka today to honor our commitments to the people of Anka Local Government and all of Zamfara State. The official opening of the new palace for the ‘Sarkin Zamfaran Anka’ and the Zamfara State Council of Chiefs is a significant milestone that wraps up today’s agenda,” he stated.
Governor Lawal emphasized the strategic importance of the Anka–Abbare Road, describing it as a critical artery that will not only enhance access to remote areas but also stimulate economic activities and generate multiplier effects throughout the local economy. He articulated the necessity of providing a conducive work environment for civil servants, affirming that the new local government secretariat and dedicated offices will significantly contribute to strengthening law and order within the state.
“Education is the cornerstone of any thriving society. Our focused initiatives are oriented towards fostering a safe, secure, and supportive environment for our students. I am also proud to announce the completion and commissioning of the reconstructed SAFE School Anka today,” he remarked, reaffirming the administration’s dedication to education.
The governor further noted that the commissioning of the Emir’s Palace serves to restore the historical prominence of traditional institutions, which he regards as pivotal custodians of the region’s culture and heritage. He underlined the administration’s awareness of the invaluable role that these institutions play in fostering the state’s growth and emphasized the necessity of aligning development projects with cultural values.
In conclusion, the governor mentioned that after the successful commissioning in Anka and Tsafe, future projects in Kaura Namoda and Moriki will follow suit, while those in Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi remain on track for completion and official commissioning before the year concludes.
-
celebrity radar - gossips6 months agoWhy Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”
-
society6 months agoPower is a Loan, Not a Possession: The Sacred Duty of Planting People
-
society5 months agoReligion: Africa’s Oldest Weapon of Enslavement and the Forgotten Truth
-
news6 months agoTHE APPOINTMENT OF WASIU AYINDE BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AS AN AMBASSADOR SOUNDS EMBARRASSING
You must be logged in to post a comment Login