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THE HUMILIATION OF THE VILLA FIEND

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In September 2019 I tweeted the following to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo. 
“Ambassador Ayo Oke, the former Director General of the Nigerian Intelligence Agency, took care of you. He paid your bills and protected you. He kept all your dirty little secrets. He gave you wise counsel and comforted you even when you shed tears and said you couldn’t take it anymore. All this yet you sold him down the river. Your fingers have finally been caught in the cooky jar and your benefactors and detractors have begun their work. They have demoted you, humiliated you, used you and dumped you. By the time they finish with you you will wish that you had never been born. Worse still Oke is no longer there to help you. Poor chap. Politics is a terrible thing when compared to the legal profession. This is especially so when you are a Professor of Law. At least you can go back to your pastoral work at Redeemed Christian Church of God when all else fails. My prayers are with you.”
A few days later I added the following, again in reference to the Vice President. 
“If the short man doesn’t resign within six months they will soon be sending him to wash toilets. You came in on the same ticket, you sold your soul, you betrayed your people, your tribe, your region and your faith and you sucked your boss’ rectum for four years!Look at what you got in return! Shame on you!”
Two months down the line both tweets have proved to be prophetic. They also signified the beginning of the end for our Pastor and Professor. 
Over the last two months, despite all pretentions to the contrary, things have gone downhill for him and he appears to be a drowning man. It is only a matter of time before the final offensive and assault is unleashed against him by his traducers in the Presidency, the axe falls and he is finally thrown out. 
I have been reliably informed that three names, all from the South West, have been penned down and are all being considered as his possible replacement. If this proves to be true I would not be the least bit surprised because those that ride on the back of the tiger always end up in its stomach. 
The question that arises is what our reaction ought to be to the way the Vice President is being treated.
In this respect, insightful, sensible and refreshing are the words of Chief Yinka Odumakin, the erudite and courageous spokesman of Afenifere, when he said, on behalf of the Omo Karo Jires and the sons and daughters of Oduduwa, that
“Vice President Yemi Osinbajo is being humiliated and NOT the South West. He has never supported the South West since he became Vice President”. (Sunday Vanguard, 10th November 2019). 
I wholeheartedly concur. 
I am also encouraged by the fact that Baba Ayo Adebanjo, the number two man in Afenifere, one of the most reverred and respected elders and leaders in Nigeria and a man that I am prepared to follow into battle blindfolded, said that he had told Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and Vice President Osinbajo to “leave the APC”.
He said, “I don’t want to be dragged into the issue. What has he done that the South West has benefitted from? I am 91 years old and all I want is a better Nigeria. I have told Tinubu and Osinbajo to leave the APC”. (Sunday Vanguard, 10th November 2019). 
These are wise words and faultless counsel. The consequences of not heeding them, at least for Osinbajo, are now manifest for all to see and sadly the chickens are coming home to roost. 
It is Osinbajo’s turn to be exposed, grilled, humiliated, rubbished and dumped by the cabal today but, mark my words, it will be Tinubu’s tomorrow. They shall both reap the consequences of what they have sown and the choices they made. 
I do not relish in the travails of Osinbajo and to a certain extent I pity him but what I will not do is defend him in the name of South Western or Southern solidarirty or anything else. In my view he simply does not deserve that kind of support and it irks and irritates me to no end when others try to give it to him. 
For example when Professor Banji Akintoye, a notable elder and respected leader from the South West who has displayed immense fortitude in recent times and who I have immense respect for, says that Vice President Yemi Osinbajo should not be treated badly by President Muhammadu Buhari because he is a son of Oduduwa, I really do wonder. 
When he says he is watching events unfold I wonder what he really believes he can do to save the Vice President from the consequences of his own shameless behaviour, cowardly disposition, ignoble foibles, treacherous actions and dishoborable choices.
Osinbajo willingly opted and eagerly chose to be an eager slave and even went as far as to publicly declare himself as a “son” to Nigeria’s third and most dangerous Mahdi and to her last Amalekite King. Such choices are an affront to the Living God that he claims to serve and they come with dire divine consequences. 
Permit me to qoute Professor Akintoye in full. He said,
“We are watching events unfold with keen interest. We are taking note of what is happening to them. Nobody should make the mistake of thinking that the “Yoruba” (his word) will be watching and allow their son to be degraded and dehumanised. It will be very difficult to advise Osinbajo because he holds a high office but my advice to him is to stick in there and let us see what they will do, then they will see what WE will do”. (Sunday Vanguard, 10th November 2019). 
The question here is who are the “we”? Maybe Osinbajo’s shrinking circle and coterie of friends, family, loyalists and supporters but kindly leave the rest of us out. The rest of us do not wish to get involved and neither do we care! 
With the greatest respect, on this particular matter Professor Akintoye certainly does not speak for me or for any of those that share my views. He may have his opinion and he is certainly entitled to it but I also have mine and so do millions of others. 
In any case does he know the atrocities that Osinbajo has secretly committed against the South West and indeed the entire South behind closed doors over the last few years? 
Does he know how many sons and daughters of Oduduwa that he is trying to bring to their knees and destroy?  Does he know what he did to Prince Deji Adeyanju, a fellow Oduduwan? Does he know the role he played in the arrest and prolonged detention of Omoyele Sowore, another son of the Anago? 
Does he know how many sons and daughters of the South West Osinbajo is trying to send to jail for no just cause and for doing nothing wrong other than the fact that they refused to bend the knee and bow to his principal Muhammadu Buhari and simply because he wants to sacrifice them and please his northern masters? 
Does he know how many sons and daughters of Oduduwa he has locked up and detained unlawfully? Does he know how mich wickedness he has infllicted on his own Karo Jire kinsmen? 
Does he know the disdain and contempt he has shown Oduduwans, southerners and Christians, who he is meant to represent on the presidential ticket, over the last few years. 
Sentiment ought to be left out of this. There is nothing worse than a traitor and Osinbajo is the greatest and biggest traitor to the Oduduwan and southern cause in Nigerian history. 
A man that opted to align with and support those that oppposed the proscription of Boko Haram? A man that said we should pray for Fulani herdsmen as they rape and slaughter our wives and children? 
A man that said the mass murder, genocide and ethnic cleansing of our people by the Fulani militias in Nigeria was exagerrated? 
A man that travelled abroad and said all African countries are corrupt? A man that poured scorn and insults on all those that stood up to the tyranny and hegemony of his Fulani masters over the last four years? 
A man that refused to see the President of CAN in his first 3 years in office as Vice President and only spoke to him through the Villa chaplain? A man that spent the better part of the last 4 years trying to weaken, discredit and destroy CAN? 
A man that celebrated and encouraged the slaughter of IPOB members, including women and children? A man who stood by silently and turned a blind eye whilst his security aides beat up a journalist at the Presidential Villa and smashed his camera? 
A man that sold his soul to the devil and served the Fulani cabal to the best of his ability. A man that has sat by silently as the Judiciary, Natiional Assembly and all our reverred institutions and lesders in the south and Middle Belt are rubbished? 
A man that has told all manner of lies against President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Goodluck Jonathan, Vice President Atiku Abubakar and countless other opposition leaders brandishing them as corrupt and unfit for public office whilst he serves the most corrupt, racist, vicious,, sectional and oppressive Government in our entire history? 
A man that insulted Afenifere leaders and those that called for restructuring and desctibed them as jobless people that are just seeking for relevamce?  A man that insulted his own in-law, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, by saying he was wrong when he described Nigeria as  a mere geograohical expression? 
A man that has betrayed his owm mentor Asiwaju Bola Tinubu? A man that that used his  Redeemrd Church and his spiritual dather to split Christendom and help put in place an eviil Anti-Christ Governmrnt.  
I have no sympathy for Osinbanjo and I do not think any southermer, Middle Belter or Christian that is in his right mind oight to either. 
He is a disgrace to Oduduwa, to the south, to the Church, to Christendom and to the God that He claims to love and serve.  Worse of all he is a worthless coward! A man that considers his political career as being more important than the life of a believer.
A man that said nothing when  a lady Pastor from his own Redeemed Church was murderd by islamists and jihadists in cold bllod right on his doorstep in Abuja? A man that lacks courage, wisdom, humanity, decency, charity and compassion. 
Is that really a man or is he just a whimp? Is that a servant of God? Is that a believer? 
I say to hell with such a man. He dies not deserve any  support or sympathy from any quarter. He entered into a demonic Faustian pact gladly and willingly in 2015 when he joined Buhari. We warnrd him but he woild not listen. He wined and dined with the devil and now the devil has come for his soul.
 I say let him perish with it. No-one can resist the judgement of God and it will take a lot more than Professor  Akintoye to save him from that. 
Those that speak for him in tte name of Oduduwa solidarity  would do well to do their homework about this man. They should speak for themselves and  not me. 
Osinbajo made his bed and he should be allowed to lie in it. If he had any decency he would have resigned by now but he lacks self-respect and honor so he can never do so.
He is motivated by nothing but greed and ambition and that greed and ambition will destroy and consumme him.
Permit me to conclude this contribution with the following. On 12th November Shola Salako, a leading member of YOLICOM and a highly respected writer and public commentator wrote, 
“Vice President Yemi Osinbanjo has no integrity, no balls and is a poor student of history”.
Shola, as courageous and forthright as ever, is absolutely right.

Politics

Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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