Politics
“Tinubu Must Know That Buhari Doesn’t Want Him as President”
“Tinubu Must Know That Buhari Doesn’t Want Him as President”
…Olufemi Aduwo
President of the Centre for Convention on Democratic Integrity (CCDI) Inc, Comrade Olufemi Akinbule-Aduwo, in this interview, speaks candidly on the state of the nation. The permanent representative of the CCDI to the United Nations and President, Rights Monitoring Group, shared his views on germane topics which include the army’s engagement against insecurity, the last End-SARS protest and related buck-passing, President Buhari medical tourism, among other subjects.
Excerpt…
What is your position on the realignments going on in the two dominant political parties, APC and PDP?
There is no clear difference between APC and PDP. The only difference is the names. Nigerian politicians have no shame. I told a former governor, OGD, that, sir, I am ashamed to see you together with Dimeji Bankole who as House of Reps speaker fought you publicly and dragged the bus’ steering wheel with you at a commissioning ceremony. Let’s even take it from this aspect; Nelson Mandela played politics, Barack Obama played politics. These are decent people with decent politics. But when dirty people enter politics, politics then becomes dirty. Most of these new entrants in APC came in just to guarantee that their fraud cases are suspended. The only two that are real APC people are Buhari and Tinubu. They are the only people that can talk about the PDP years in power. Others like Rotimi Amaechi and Ngige can move elsewhere at any point in time.
President Buhari left Nigeria on medical vacation abroad at a time the doctors went on strike and NNPC was saying that fuel can no longer be sold at N162 per liter and at a time the nation is extremely gripped with banditry, kidnapping, and other challenges. What is your view about this?
I also bought fuel at N212 per liter in Ondo State. We then heard from the minister of state for petroleum that the marketers, PPPRA, just increased the fuel price without informing the government. And I wondered if PPPRA is not part of the government. PPPRA is a government agent. So, I told people that, watch it, in a few weeks the government will increase the fuel price. And a few days later, NNPC came up and said it could no longer sustain the fuel subsidy. Yet in 2011, President Buhari before he became president, said that subsidy is a fraud and anybody who pays it is a thief. He has not withdrawn that statement. Nigeria has 400,000 barrels daily for local consumption. If we refine, we would get our oil and the by-products. So, how much does it cost to produce a barrel? It is about 40 US Dollars to produce a barrel. When you produce a barrel, you can get about 150 liters of kerosene, diesel, and others. Even if you sell a liter of petrol for N50, you are still making a lot of profits. So, this is about monumental fraud, which the president might not even understand. Subsidy indeed is a fraud. If my Lord Jesus was even opportune to rule Nigeria, I’m sure he would feel confused. Before Buhari was elected president, we were convinced things were going to work, the refinery was going to work, and other things; but this is the sixth year of the government, nothing is working yet.
There is agitation for the breakup of Nigeria by some sections of the country. Do you see that coming into effect any time soon?
It does not work that way. They are noisemakers. To break a nation is not like breaking a cake. Nigeria, especially, is difficult to break. No one can break Nigeria in peace, we must go to war. Unless the powers that be agree to sit and discuss. For instance, apart from the one Nnamdi Azikwe and Tafawa Balewa did to create the Mid-West from the old Western Region, which was meant to reduce Obafemi Awolowo’s powers and influence, no civilian government has ever created a local government in the history of Nigeria. They have no such power. All the states so far were created by the military. Our Constitution does not give room for a referendum. The current Constitution is a product of the 1979 Constitution which was mid-wifed by the military. They only amended a few sections. However, if governors, senators, and other leaders today come up and say look, let’s review this Constitution, we would have no choice but to review it, and we move on. So, not until the powers that be agree to discuss.
Would you like to speak on the Covid-19 vaccines and the government’s management of the situation so far?
Yes, we are hearing about Covid-19 Vaccines being donated to the Nigerian government. But we are also hearing the government talking about billions of Naira being spent to get these Vaccines. At the end of the day, you are going to hear the Nigerian government saying they have spent trillions of Naira on procuring these Vaccines, which average Nigerians already know were given free. So, the problem with our leaders in Nigeria is the lack of transparency.
The United States of America just released a report literally absolving the Nigerian army from the Lekki EndSARS protest killings. Do you think that report did justice to what Nigerians’ expectation?
During the Lekki EndSARS saga, I visited Lekki three times to give support, with my NGO. On the day of the incident, I left Lekki Toll Gate around 4 o’clock in the morning. I was not told, I witnessed what happened there. When the army came around 6.45pm I was there. I am a father and everybody knows that I’m not a friend of the ruling APC. So, I’d be stupid and silly not to say exactly what I know about that incident. When the army left and the police came, I was there. The fact is that the local report of the Lekki incident was blown out of proportion. From the report of that lady, DJ Switch, you would see that the soldiers were shooting in the air. Then you wonder what purpose those bullets in the air would serve. Were they trying to catch people in the air? As I have said earlier, when a soldier carries one magazine, it contains 60 bullets. With that, at 20 meters distance, a soldier would kill about 100 persons. When the army left and police came, there were shootings by Mobile Police but no one reported that. So, imagine a lady telling us that she recorded the army activities right from when they left Bonny Camp and that she even confronted the soldiers.
With the US report on the matter, did you as a right activist take any step regarding the veracity of other claims?
We have met with the United Nations on this issue. I have no other country, Nigeria is my only country. I have attended the UN Human Rights Council and tendered some documents. My organization and a partner organization are organizing a seminar in Geneva very soon where people are expected to tender more documents, including why the American government should even do more to help the Nigerian military in the fight against Boko Haram. Now, what the American government has said about the Lekki shooting is what everybody already knows, it is the truth.
But Governor Sanwo-Olu admitted that people died at Lekki…
…(cuts in) Yes, the Lagos State governor said that two people died. But the Amnesty International gave some figures that they could not verify. The only area I am concerned about is that the Lagos State government has to admit that there was an error in handling the matter. I am worried about the way the state government declared the curfew. The curfew was declared to take effect at 4pm and the governor said he would be addressing the press at 6pm on the curfew that was already in effect rom 4pm. For God’s sake, how is that proper? So, the fault should be placed on the governor’s table. This was a protest that lasted for two weeks. The soldiers were everywhere, they never abused anyone. It has to do with the communication gap. When the Lagos State government set up the panel to probe the incident, I told Barrister Ebun Olu-Adegboruwa, a pastor and an Ilaje man from my state, to pull out from the panel. I told him that the panel would not achieve any result because the governor cannot sack the police or the army because he didn’t employ them. And what has come out from the panel across the federation?
What difference do you think it would have made if the federal government had set up the panel?
If the federal government had set up that panel, the story would have been different. But for a state government to do it, it would not give any result because you can only fire who you hired, a state governor can’t fire even police or army sergeant. Besides, the government had been indicted. Can the governor attend the panel? No, because he has immunity. A panel is more or less a quasi court, so the governor can’t appear. The panel is about four months old now, what did we get from there? Nothing. It only literally allows the boys to eat.
Does your account mean that the American report has set aside the fact that people were killed at Lekki Toll Gate?
There was a commotion, just like the governor said. During the protest, a lot of people died across the country, not only in Lagos. A lot of people were killed, not by soldiers; perhaps, by police and in some parts of Lagos not in Lekki. Governor Sanwo-Olu did say there was commotion and people were running helter-skelter, meaning that anything could have happened in the process. You cannot rule out stray bullets.
What is your reaction to Garba Sheu’s comment that President Buhari didn’t start medical tourism abroad when he became president in 2015?
Mr. President is out of the country now. He should be the only president in the world that patronizes foreign hospitals. If the clinic in Aso Rock cannot be functioning, that shows that nothing functions in our system. That shows that the Nigerian medical system is just a mess. Yes, presidential spokesman, Garba Sheu, said that President Buhari didn’t start the medical trip abroad when he became president. That is not correct. President Buhari, since he left the government as military ruler in 1985, has never gone abroad for medical treatment; quote me anywhere. In fact, I doubt if he has ever performed an official Hajj since he left power as a military man. One thing I can vouch about Buhari is that he is a liberal Muslim, not a religious bigot.
Asiwaju Bola Tinubu has not declared for the 2023 presidency but the momentum is already high across the country. In fact, some are already organizing campaigns for him. What is your opinion about this?
On the issue of Asiwaju Tinubu, I have nothing against him. The June 12 1993 saga brought a lot of interests together; the good, the bad, and the ugly, to fight the then military president, IBB. They came together for different reasons. People like the former governor of Edo State, Chief Odigie Oyegun, and Professor Bolaji Akinyemi were very vocal. Then a lot of people came to join these people for different reasons. Somebody like Tinubu was mentioned that he was scheming to be a minister of petroleum but Abacha refused him. It was when Abacha refused him that he ran away. Tinubu was only detained for two days by Abacha before he ran out of Nigeria. I spent months in detention under Abacha, am I a politician? Many people who were not politicians were thrown into detention under Abacha. They were only protesting for the actualization of the June 12 election of MKO Abiola. We understand the game. In politics, two plus two is not four. Politicians would tell you that they are not fighting to get any reward but they know they are fighting for just what to gain.
So, you think Tinubu actually wants to be president in 2023?
The signs are there and they are clear. All the same, my advice is that Tinubu should study the terrain well because many things are going to work against him. Religion is going to work against him. He is a Muslim. What happened during the Abiola election when Muslim-Muslim ticket was allowed by IBB was for a purpose. It can’t happen again in Nigeria. Nigeria today is divided along religious lines more than ever before. And anyone contesting as a Muslim president dares not pick a Christian northerner as his running mate because such ambition is as good as dead.
But Tinubu had his birthday in Kano and he seemed to enjoy a warm reception among the Muslim Northerners. Isn’t that an indication there won’t be a problem with his ambition?
When Tinubu marked his birthday in Kano State, we understood the game. His calculation was that Kano is where the highest votes come from. He gave Katsina market fire victims N50m, why did he shun Shasha market fire victims in Ibadan? He gave Kaduna N200m to build schools, what happened to Lagos schools where he is the landlord? Is he not aware? It is politics. Chief Bisi Akande has said what was going on in APC where Tinubu is a leader gives a lot to worry about. The fact is that the powers that be are handing over the structures of APC to anti-Tinubu elements in the ruling party. How many ministers does Tinubu have in Buhari’s government today? None. Sunday Dare, the minister of sports, Tinubu is not the one that recommended him. Sunday is a candidate of Oyo State. Buhari does not want Tinubu to succeed him. That is the truth. If he does, it costs him nothing to hand over the APC structures to him without stress. Tinubu himself is only testing the waters, he knows it will not work.
NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)
The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria
1. Introduction & Rationale
The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.
Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.
The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.
This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.
2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?
The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.
Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.
Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:
In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.
In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.
These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.
The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.
3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion
Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.
After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.
Other patterns of exclusion include:
Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states
Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones
Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens
Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices
These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.
4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People
The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.
From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.
One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.
Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”
Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.
Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.
In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.
Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.
The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.
Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria
5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency
Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.
The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.
A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.
Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.
Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.
Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.
Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.
The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.
Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.
Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.
The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.
It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.
6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora
Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.
Notable examples include:
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership
Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing
Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions
The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.
7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP
Vision
A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.
Mission
To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.
Core Values
Peaceful Advocacy
Civic Empowerment
Equity and Fairness
Inclusivity
Democratic Participation
8. Strategic Objectives
Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.
Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.
Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.
Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.
Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.
Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.
9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes
To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:
A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)
A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.
B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)
A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.
C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme
Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.
D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)
To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.
E. Research & Policy Development Wing
A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.
F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project
This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.
10. Organisation & Structure of IPP
The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:
The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.
Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.
National Executive Committee – National leadership team.
International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.
Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.
Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.
Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.
11. Call to Action
This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.
By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.
Our Tomorrow Starts Today!
SIGNED
HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026
Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration
…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance
LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.
Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.
“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.
The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.
The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.
The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.
The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.
Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development
The Executive Governor of Zamfara State, Dr. Dauda Lawal, has reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to guiding Zamfara State towards sustainable development by inaugurating and initiating a series of pivotal projects in the Anka Local Government Area.
Among the key undertakings announced are the comprehensive reconstruction and modernization of the Emir of Anka’s palace, signaling a revitalization of traditional leadership; the initiation of work on the crucial Anka–Abbare Road, which is expected to significantly improve connectivity; and the construction of a new Local Government Secretariat.
Additionally, the projects encompass the establishment of dedicated offices for the Hisbah Commission and the Community Protection Guards, alongside the reconstruction of the Safe School in Anka, emphasizing the administration’s focus on enhancing educational infrastructure.
During the commissioning event, Governor Lawal highlighted that these projects are a fulfillment of commitments made during his campaign, aimed at transforming the local landscape by improving infrastructure, stimulating economic growth, bolstering public service efficiency, and enhancing the capacities of security agencies. He called for a collective effort from the community to ensure proper maintenance of these facilities, underscoring the shared responsibility in preserving public assets.
Governor Lawal shared that similar projects have also been inaugurated in Tsafe, with plans for upcoming projects in Kaura Namoda, Moriki, Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi, all expected to be completed and inaugurated by the year’s end. This ambitious timeline reflects the administration’s urgency in addressing the development needs of various regions within the state.
In his remarks, the governor urged residents and local traditional institutions to collaborate closely in maintaining the newly commissioned structures and supporting the overarching objectives of his administration. “I stand here in Anka today to honor our commitments to the people of Anka Local Government and all of Zamfara State. The official opening of the new palace for the ‘Sarkin Zamfaran Anka’ and the Zamfara State Council of Chiefs is a significant milestone that wraps up today’s agenda,” he stated.
Governor Lawal emphasized the strategic importance of the Anka–Abbare Road, describing it as a critical artery that will not only enhance access to remote areas but also stimulate economic activities and generate multiplier effects throughout the local economy. He articulated the necessity of providing a conducive work environment for civil servants, affirming that the new local government secretariat and dedicated offices will significantly contribute to strengthening law and order within the state.
“Education is the cornerstone of any thriving society. Our focused initiatives are oriented towards fostering a safe, secure, and supportive environment for our students. I am also proud to announce the completion and commissioning of the reconstructed SAFE School Anka today,” he remarked, reaffirming the administration’s dedication to education.
The governor further noted that the commissioning of the Emir’s Palace serves to restore the historical prominence of traditional institutions, which he regards as pivotal custodians of the region’s culture and heritage. He underlined the administration’s awareness of the invaluable role that these institutions play in fostering the state’s growth and emphasized the necessity of aligning development projects with cultural values.
In conclusion, the governor mentioned that after the successful commissioning in Anka and Tsafe, future projects in Kaura Namoda and Moriki will follow suit, while those in Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi remain on track for completion and official commissioning before the year concludes.
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